Showing posts sorted by date for query Padampa. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query Padampa. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Friday, March 22, 2024

Padampa in the Vatican?

 

༄༅།།དངུལ་སྒོང་གི་བཤད་འབུམ་ལོ་རྒྱུས་བཞུགས་སོ།།

Recently back from a spell in Rome, I have exciting news to tell you about something I found out about while I was there. Just a few days before departure I received a gift of an article attached to an email. On its first page, I noticed a title that to my mind could only mean it was a work of Padampa or a commentary on the same. And if it were in the last place in the world you would expect to find a work of his, it would have to be the Vatican Apostolic Library.

That same evening I typed the call number into the Google search box and Wallah! Presto! The first page of the text you see illustrated above was there in front of my eyes, undeniably appearing to exist. A miraculous but persistent materialization in digital form.

The article by Filibeck (details below) was about two texts related to missionaries among the very few Tibetan-language texts so far identified in the Vatican collection. Not about this one. This one has the front title-page title in cursive Tibetan script, Dngul-sgong-gi Bshad-'bum Lo-rgyus.* First of all, bshad-'bum literally means explanation collection, but what it really is is nothing but an uncommon pre-Mongol era word for commentary.** So this would be a commentary on the Silver Sphere, a work familiar to the world’s burgeoning numbers of Zhijé specialists as a text containing teachings by Padampa’s 54 Indian spiritual mentors. But then we also see the word history (lo-rgyus) there, making us think that a later text in the set may be indicated (it does indeed contain at least one fragment of a history even if its cover title is dkar-chag, or table of contents.)

(*This title was probably meant to cover the entire collection, although this is not at all obvious without looking further into its content. **The entire fifth volume of the published ZC is taken up by a bshad-’bum by Tenné. Another rare use is in the title of the 11th-century Indian teacher Smṛtijñānakīrti’s commentary on the Mañjuśrīnāmasaṅgīti with the title in Tibetan being ’Jam-dpal Mtshan-brjod-kyi Bshad-’bum.)

When the first folio first popped up on my screen, I was thrilled, even a little delirious, it’s true. But when I started to look into it my feelings of elation were tempered with dismay, as I started to notice there are missing folios. As it turns out quite a lot is missing. Even to describe what is there is complicated by the page numbering systems (both the pencilled-in Arabic numerals and the numbers given to the scans). Finally, I made a listing of the pages that may be seen there, ignoring the added numberings completely, typing out titles and colophons and even some bits of the text itself. I’ve appended this sketchy document below. Tibeto-logicians should find it useful for navigational purposes.

To make a general assessment, even if it may be too early for it, I’d say that there are pages from texts unknown to be extant anywhere else. And another matter I’m quite sure about is that all or most of it constitutes a kind of Selected Works of one of the three famous brothers of the Rog family, disciples of Tenné who sought out and put together both major and minor Zhijé teaching lineages (including Cutting practices) as well as Nyingma teachings. The most important and here relevant of the three is Rog Zhigpo (1171-1245), the same one who authored the main early Zhijé history.*

(*ཞིག་པོ་ཉི་སེང་ aka ཉི་མ་སེང་གེ aka རིན་ཆེན་ཤེས་རབ་. His untitled history of the early Zhijé lineage is found in ZC, vol. 4, pp. 324-432.)

The colophon of the initial text* mentions Gomchen Drak (བསྒོམ་ཆེན་བྲག་) as the place of composition. From other sources we know this was a retreat place for Rog Zhigpo between the years 1207 and 1228. It was also the place where his mentor Tenné died at a very advanced age, somewhere in his ’90’s (in 1217?).

(*On the recto of fol. 76[101].)

The root text behind this commentary is preserved in the Zhijé Collection, vol. 1, pp. 235-242 and elsewhere (see Schaeffer’s essay, pp. 27-28 for transcribed title and colophon). It has been Englished by both Harding and Molk (both listed below).

A commentary on the Silver Sphere is listed in the Drepung Catalog, p. 1008, in 64 folios, but there is no clear reason to believe it is the same as the one in the Vatican set. What the Vatican library does have is surely the ‘same’ as still another one listed in Drepung Catalog, on p. 1084:  Zhig-po Nyi-seng (i.e. Rog Zhigpo), Thun-mong-gi Brgyud-pa Dngul-sgong-gi Bshad-’bum, a manuscript in 42 folios. On the page just before notice yet another commentarial text in 61 folios by Zhig-po Nyi-seng on the same root text listed as Dri-med Dngul-sgong-gi Sgom-'bum. By its title it would appear to be a Meditation Collection rather than an Explanation Collection!

One not so subtle difference between the root text and the Vatican set’s commentary is in their internal order. The Vatican begins with teachings of the ten women mentors,* while the root text has them at the end, after the men. Was this idea to put the women first regarded as a common courtesy, or is there more to it?

(*These ten women gurus of Padampa as well as the men were listed in an earlier Tibeto-logic blog, “Padampa Portrait - Part Two.”)

So, I suppose what it comes down to is this: We owe to the Vatican the one and only now available commentary on the Silver Sphere. Of course it is only partial, which is sad. The only hope we have today for a complete text of it lies in the Arhat Temple in Drepung.

But before saying arrivederci, let’s have a word about the history text in the Vatican set, the one that seems to be briefly referenced in the front title by the word lo-rgyus (see Sun’s essay). I believe if matters were looked into more closely, this fragmentary history that assigns itself a date corresponding to 1237 CE, places the date of death of Padampa in 1105 rather than the accepted orthodoxy 1117. That means it agrees with the chronology by Katog Rinzin (listed as no. 410 in the new edition of Tibetan Histories), making me more firm in my belief that it’s necessary to shift dates back in time if we are to make Padampa’s stay in Tingri come into line with the reign dates for King Tsedé. But that argument is still in the process of formation, so I’ll leave you with this for now. The issue of dating is something the Vatican set can possibly help us with. No doubt there is more to learn from it. Ciao for now!


References

I highly recommend going to this Vatican Library site to see the whole set:  

https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Vat.estr.or.171.

A word to the wise, in their evident belief that the language is Hebrew or Arabic, the librarians make us scroll left rather than right to go to the next folio side. And if you haven’t mastered Tibetan cursive script, I’m sure that’s something you’ve vowed to work on, so now is your chance. And if you’ve already learned cursive but find the shorthand spellings mystifying, see this essay by Jörg Heimbel, posted at academia.edu just today.

Elena De Rossi Filibeck, “Texts from Tibet, a Land of Mission,” contained in: Maria Gabriella Critelli, ed., Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae XXVIII, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican City 2023), pp. 161-187. The Zhijé text receives its brief mention on p. 161 in footnote 1 as “an incomplete miscellany of historical and teaching texts called Dri med dngul sgong (Vat. estr.-or. 58).”

Sarah Harding, tr., Zhije: The Pacification of Suffering, Snow Lion (Boulder 2019). The root text behind the commentary, “The Pure Silver Egg of the Stainless Path,” is translated into English on pp. 31-40. For easy access to the Tibetan, go here, but be patient while it downloads. Look also here, especially for the useful English introduction to the “Egg Trilogy.”

David Molk, with Lama Tsering Wangdu Rinpoche, Lion of Siddhas: The Life and Teaching of Padampa Sangye, Snow Lion (Ithaca 2008). The root text behind the commentary, “The Stainless Path of the Silver Egg of Speech” is translated into English on pp. 314-320.

Kurtis Schaeffer, “Crystal Orbs and Arcane Treasuries: Tibetan Anthologies of Buddhist Tantric Songs from the Tradition of Pha Dam pa sangs rgyas,” Acta Orientalia [Oslo], vol. 68 (2007), pp. 5-73.

Sun Penghao, “Notes on the Tibetan Lexeme lo rgyus: Other than ‘History’,” contained in: Kurtis R. Schaeffer et al., eds., Histories of Tibet: Essays in Honor of Leonard W.J. van der Kuijp, Wisdom (New York 2023), pp. 421-433.

Zhijé Collection (ZC) The root text of the Silver Sphere is in vol. 1, pp. 235-242. This collection is by far the most important available resource on Padampa and his Zhijé teachings (originally a four-volume manuscript, it was published in five). TBRC (Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center) makes it available in PDFs, which is wonderful, but they have it under the name “Zhi byed snga bar phyi gsum gyi skor.” This incorrectly made up title states that it includes the early (snga) and middle (bar) transmission texts of the Zhijé, when in fact its content is limited to the Later Transmission (phyi) alone.* Some day they will listen to me and correct this old mistake rather than allow it to continue generating confusion. 

  • To get to the Zhijé Collection, try this link, or if that doesn’t work, try this one — https://library.bdrc.io/ — and type “W23911” in their search box. 

In the future, if a Tibetan title for the collection is needed, I think it ought to reflect the title that is actually there on the manuscript. Although difficult to read in the reprint edition, it is more legible in the microfilm that was made independently by the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project. What we find there is this: Dam chos snying po zhi byed las / rgyud phyi snyan rgyud zab khyad ma bzhugs // glang skor bzim chung phyag pe'o [~glang 'khor gzims chung phyag dpe'o]. If a short title is needed, I recommend Zab-khyad-ma, which means [the manuscript primarily, but possibly also the transmission it represents called] Exceptionally Profound. Use the English if you prefer.

(*This means primarily the one transmitted by Kunga, although there were three other disciples of Padampa who held transmissions that are also called “later” and that once had smaller text collections that have not surfaced yet. We know they existed in earlier times, as their length is sometimes quantified.)
On the present condition of the manuscript, see this posting: https://tibeto-logic.blogspot.com/2018/01/the-zhije-collection-suffers.html.

+  +  +

Notes on the Vatican Padampa Set

A word on pagination: I give both folio numbers [the 2nd in square brackets] when there are two on the same folio. These aren’t entirely sure. There are problems with the pencilled numbers supplied to the folios (not to mention the numbers used to label the scans), so rather than use them I try to rigorously follow the dual-page-number system written in the margins of the folios, while ignoring the others. The higher numbers in square brackets ought to be the continuous “running” numbers. If you are interested in pursuing the pagination studies, this page ought to prove useful. I put solid bullets (•) whenever a new text begins. I put actual title-page titles (they are few) in bold.

1[28]  Dngul sgong gi bshad 'bum lo rgyus.

2[29]

3[30]

5[32]

17[42]

73[96?]

74[97]

75[100]

76[101]  Colophon:  dri med dngul sgong gyi 'bum / bsgom chen brag du bkod pa // rdzogs s.ho // Ends with a statement of proofing completed, and then what is likely a statement of book ownership:  cha dpon dpe (rtsa dbon dpe? tsa pho ra dpe?).  Verso blank, but with Vatican call number "stamp" that literally looks like a postage stamp.  


New Text (initial folio not there!):

2[113?] line 2  dang po lam sbyang bya pha rol tu phyin pa yin pas lam myi nor bar kyang / 'phags pa sdud pa las...

3[115?]

4[116]

18[130]

20[132]

21[133]

22[134?]

23[135]

24[136]

26[138a] a final fol. of a text. Colophon at verso line 1  blo dman rin seng bdag gis yi ger bkod //  // ... ... [line 3] khrid kyi gsung sgros / blo ma rig mun sel gyi yi ge'o...


Now there is a new title, very much a Five Paths (ལམ་ལྔ་) and Pâramitâ (ཤེར་ཕྱིན་) text to begin with, although mantra & Mahâmudrâ (ཕྱག་ཆེན་) come in later on.

27[138b]  Title-page title: Khrid kyi dpe'.  verso [line 1]: bla ma byang chub sems dpa' ding ri ba chen po'i chos 'di...  [line 4] ...mying dri med thigs pa phyag bzhes kyi chos skor du btags...

28[139]

31[142]

32[143]

33[144?]

34[145]

35[146]

36[147?]

37[148]

38[149]

39[150]

40[151]

41[152]

42[153]

43[154]

44[155]  Verso begins: dus gsum bde gshegs rgyal ba’i yum mchog dang...  [line 2] dmar byang lam gyi snying po bsdus pa’i gnad // thugs kyi bcud phyung rin chen phreng ba ’di // bla ma’i bka’ las rab rtogs gsal ba don / mi brjed gzungs su cung zad yi ger bri //  ...  Note the name of Byang chub sems dpa' Kun dga’.

45[156]  recto line 3:  gsum pa mtshan ni / phyag rgya chen po dri med tigs pa phyag bzhes kyi chos skor ro.

46[155!]

47[158]

48[159]

49[155!]

50[158!]

51[159]

52[160]

53[161]

54[162]

55[163]

56[164]

57[165]

58[166]

59[167]

60[168]

61[169]

62[170]

63[171]

64[172]

65[173]

66[174]

67[175]


Note:  The text is not continuous, so no reason to think the next two unpaginated (or cut off pagination) folios belong to the text that came before!

1st unmarked fol.  The fol. no. is cut off in the scan only it seems, same with the following folio with the colophon.

2nd unmarked fol. (a final fol. of some text).  Ending with no colophonic information except an added note on the place where it was scribed [line 5]:  chos 'di nyams su len pa la rtags rig pa dangs pa la yang char ba yin bas / tshe 'di'i rtog pas ma dkrugs par mdzod //  yon rdzas tshogs pa las 'byung bas / chos phyogs su dka' 'jen grub tshad du thong gsol / yid ches mtsham sbyor ma log pa la skye bar 'dug cig / bla ma la mos gus chen po gyis / sa lam sngags kyis gcod pa yin gsung bas / sgyu rtsal dang ldan gyi snying po la rem pa thon cig // grub pa thob nas yong cig ang //  // [different hand:] zhus de dag par bgyis so //  // iti.  The verso has, in the same dbu-can writing:  // gdan sa rin po che / rnam grol dgon par bris //  I couldn’t immediately identify this Rnam grol Monastery.


New text, apparently, with only one set of p. nos. rather than the usual two.

13(?)  Begins:  sgom chen de ro zas ro gos kyis ’tsho yang...


New text (Dkar chag), in fact  historical chronology.

1[25]  Title-page title:  Dkar chag.  Verso:  thams cad mkhyen pa la phyag 'tshal lo // skal pa bzang po 'di la 'dzam bu'i gling du / sangs rgyas stong tham pa byon par gsungs pa las / drug sngar gshegs pa'i shul / tshe lo brgya pa'i gsham / shing po byi pa'i lo la ston pa yang dag par rdzogs pa'i sangs rgyas shag kya thub pa sku bltam ste / dgung lo bcu' dgu' la khab bzhes / nyi shu rtsa gsum pa la rab tu gshegs / rtsa lnga nas dka' thub la bzhugs / sum bcu' rtsa lnga la mngon par rdzogs par sangs rgyas nas / chos kyi 'khor lo rim pa gsum du bskor te / brgyad bcu' rsa gnyis shing mo bya'i lo la sku mya ngan las 'das te / shul du bstan pa lnga stong gnas par gsungs pa la / me mo bya'i lo 'di la brtsis pas / sangs rgyas mya ngan las 'das pa'i nub mo / 'phags pa dgra bcom pa tshe 'phel [mchan-note sde snod 'dzin pa xxx zer ro/] zhes bya b de sku 'khrungs / khong la sangs rgyas kyis byin gyis brlabs pa tshes lo lnga brgya thub cing / sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa dar bar mdzad do //

de gnyis tshe lo dgu' bcu' ru kha ral ba'i dus yin no //  // slob dpon klu grub sku 'das pa'i nub mo / 'phags pa thogs med sku 'khrungs te / khong yang bcud len gyi grub pa thob pas tshe lo lnga brgya thub cing / sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa dar ba ru [~rgyu?] mdzad // thogs med sku gshegs pa'i nub mo / bram ze a rya de ba sku 'khrungs nas / khong yang 

2[26] bcud len grub pa tshe lo lnga brgya thub ste / sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa yang dar ba'i dus / tshe lo ni sangs rgyas ru kha ral pa'i dus yin no //  //  a rya de ba 'das pa'i nub mo / slob dpon pad ma sku 'khrungs ste / khong gis tshe la dbang ba'i rig pa 'dzin thob pas tshe lo yang stong tham pa thub /  de'i bar ni tshe lo bdun bcu' ru kha ral pa'i dus yin no //   drug bcu' kha ral pa'i dus su /  slob dpon pad ma lho nub tu bzhud pa'i nub mo /  dam pa rin po che sku 'khrungs te / bcud len grub pas tshe lo lnga brgya' thub par lung bstan nas / mkha' 'gro ma rnams kyis 'gro ba'i don la bdun bcu' tham pa phyi ru bsgyur ba las / gsum gyis ma longs pa na sku gshegs te / shing mo bya'i lo / ston zla 'bring po / skar ma mon gre'i zla ba'i / tshes bzhi'i nam gung la gshegs nas / me mo bya'i lo 'di ru / lo brgya dang sum bcu ' so gsum yong ba yin no // [Since Padampa's death in Wood Female Bird year, or 1105, until now, the year of Fire Female Bird, 133 years have passed, meaning 1237!]   bla ma byang chub sems dpa' lcags mo yos bu'i lo pa / lo sum bcu' so bdun pa dam pa dang 'byal te / lo bcwa' brgyad bstan nas lnga bcu'i nga lnga lon pa'i dus su / dam pa sku gshegs nas / shul du lo bdun bzhugs te / drug bcu' rtsa gnyis pa la mkha' spyod du gshegs //   gshegs nas me mo bya'i lo 'di ru / l brgya' dang nyi shu rtsa drug du 'gro ba yin no // // [Since the death of Kun dga' in 1124, 126 years have gone by until the present Fire Female Hen year, which would again have to be 1237]  de'i slob ma pa tshab tshul khrims 'bar ni / sa mo bya'i lo pa yin pas lo bcu' gnyis pa la rab tu byung nas slob gnyer mdzad / sum bcu' so bdun shing mo bya'i lo la bla ma byang chub sems dpa' dang 'byal [~mjal] nas /  [verso]  lo gsum bsten ste bzhi bcu la mar la byon nas / zhe gsum nas sgrub pa mdag char lo bcwa' lnga mdzad //  nga brgyad pa la bton nas chos gsungs // brgyad bcu' brgya lnga pa chu mo bya'i lo sku gshegs / gshegs nas me mo bya'i lo 'di ru / lo brgyad bcu' brgya lnga song ba yin no //  

de'i slob ma dpal rgyal bsten ne [~rten ne] ni /  me mo lug gi lo la / lo nyi shu rtsa gnyis pa la bla ma pa tshab dang 'byal nas lo ngas bsten //  nyi shu drug nas sum bcu' so lnga tshun chad bsgrub pa mdag char mdzad //  so drug nas gsang spyod rgyal 'khams skor zhing sgrub pa mdzad // lnga bcu' lon nas gsang spyod bshig nas gdams pa'i snod ldan btsal // drug bcu lon nas bya ba btang nas sprang spyod bskyangs / bdun bcu' rtsa gcig lon tshe gra ru byon nas gdams pa gsungs // brgyad bcu' lon tshe thugs dgongs rdzogs te dge 'tshor mdzad // [here and in following part of the line there are tiny mchan notes that ought to be read at better resolution]  ban rgan sgom yang de'i dus na grongs // de nas dgung lo dgu' bcu' rta gcig me mo glang gi lo la / dbyar zla ra ba'i sa ra sa gas nya ba'i ti su dgu' [??] / srod thun dang po gza' skar tshang ba'i dus / sgra 'od sa g.yos dang bcas nas bla ma gshegs / tshes gsum gyi nyin mo pur bzhu' bas bar snang 'ja'is khyengs // rten yang thug med byon pa thams cad nges shes skyes // bla ma gshegs nas me mo bya lo 'dir / lo ngo nyi shu rtsa gcig lon pa yin no //  //  de'i slob ma sprang ban gnyoms chung bdag /  skal par tshogs bsags las su rgyud sbyangs nas // dal 'byor lus thob dam pa'i ... [Next p. marked "20"]


New text (also bio-historical in nature).

[20] This page has a section-ending colophon that tells us what we have is the very end of a biography of Rje-btsun Chen-po (i.e., Rten-ne).  The next section is discussing why it had to be a one-to-one transmission (discussion continuing on the back).

[21]  At line 3 ends the discussion about the one-to-one transmission.  Then, at line 4 begins the fourth and final general topic of the Lo-rgyus, an account of Rten-ne (here again called Rje-btsun Chen-po).  This topic is in its turn divided into four subtopics...


New text (no marginal page no. is given).  I believe this is just a test scan and might be ignored, just like the one with the color chart.  




PS (March 27, 2024)

Oddly, it only now occurred to me that on a day shortly before Easter I posted a blog about a Silver Egg (Harding argues in favor of Egg where I translate Sphere) in the Vatican. Just goes to prove once more that everything is already entirely interrelated, right?


1 egg = 250 kilos of chocolate













Thursday, March 21, 2024

Recovered Connections 1 - The Four Caches



Let’s not make this about me, but I’d like to lead into the subject lightly by telling a story that does involve myself. I believe it may help explain my enthusiasm for the subject.

When it came time to make a formal proposal for my doctoral dissertation back in the mid-80’s, I couldn’t make up my mind whether to be a modernist or a medievalist.  One idea I had was to study Kongtrul and the Nonpartisan or Non-sectarian Rimé movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. After a lot of thought, I decided to leave the modern world behind, and concentrate on a Bonpo teacher by the name of Shenchen Luga, who revealed Treasure texts in 1017 CE.  It was a few years later on that I decided I ought to take a step back and look at the world surrounding him, to learn more about the period of Tibetan history prior to the advent of the Mongols on the world’s stage. Although I have often stepped outside the boundaries, the fact is I still largely occupy myself with this time in Tibetan history.

I believe it was in 1987, passing through Paris on our way to Kathmandu, that we stopped by Rue d’President Wilson to visit two illustrious professors, Samten Karmay and Anne-Marie Blondeau.  Madame Blondeau gave me a small lecture about medieval manuscripts being like organisms that grow and change over time, and how those of us who study 11th-12th century Tibet need our own equivalent of the Dunhuang cave cache in order to better know those times without seeing through later filters.

It was only in recent months that it occurred to me that we have not only one, but four and possibly even more caches that may more or less perfectly fill the need Madame Blondeau expressed so nicely.



Let me show you one of the several stages in my thinking about the subject of the four caches. The Matho fragments became available only October of last year, but the Gatang texts have been known since 2006. I knew of the Gatang cache thanks to their facsimile publication along with several important studies. If you read Tibetan look at line 4 beneath the arrow and you’ll see that the author Pematashi mentions a cache of 11th- to 12th-century texts found in 2011 in Tholing. He notes that, in both the Gathang and the Tholing caches, quite a few of the texts are in the form of  side-sewn booklets he calls “Ltebs-zur-ma.” As this was written well before the Matho fragments became known, it is all the more remarkable that the same is true of them. A large percentage of the Matho are in fact side-sewn booklets.

But there was one more small step in the slow progress of my enlightenment when I realized that a book with facsimiles that I already had (thanks to a scan given to me by one of the editors), was a set of Khyunglung manuscripts. I had written a blog about one of the texts, but hadn’t paid the others much attention.  Although as I guess I’ll discuss soon, the Khyunglung manuscripts may have been closed later in the 13th century — as much as a century after the others — it occurred to me that it could make a great deal of sense to think of all four caches at once.  So, even though I will concentrate in the end primarily on the Matho, we will briefly but slowly work our way through the others one at a time. 

You could say that I want to promote three basic ideas or theses, and if one or another is only partially proven we’ll consider the effort repaid.

1. The 21st century availability of these manuscript caches is a significant transformative event. It’s comparable to the Dunhuang caches, only with a cutoff date two centuries later than the Dunhuang.  

2.  We don’t understand the post-imperial but pre-Mongol era of Tibetan religious history as well as we think we do.  Views are going to change.

 3. More specifically the subject of my next blog:  The religious movements, schools of sects of that time emerged in an interactive and interconnected way, much more than assumed.


We may not always be aware of it, but the field of Tibetan Studies in our still-new century is facing a number of dangers and transformations. Among them: Even while prospects open ahead of us we face the danger of lost opportunities. During my times I have witnessed quite a few attempts, some successful, in pushing us in different directions. But regardless of the direction the crowd decides to take it always involves some significant questions and approaches being abandoned, approaches that could have yielded interesting results on their own.

I would be happy if only I could finally succeed in nearly convincing you that these 21st century discoveries will be recognized as a significantly transformative event for Tibetan studies, almost if not quite on the level of the Dunhuang cave cache with their closure date two centuries later. Slowly but surely these texts are going to persuade us that we do not know the post-imperial pre-Mongol period as well as we think we do. And along those lines but more narrowly, I’d like to supply enough evidence so you will agree with me that the religious movements, schools or sects coming into life, or coming back into life, in those times when they had their new beginnings were a lot more interactive and connected to each other than we have been thinking.


To the best of my present knowledge three of the caches were closed within their chortens in around 1200 CE, while the fourth was deposited late in the 12th century. Still, nearly all the texts date before 1200.  Some of them may have been scribed as early as two centuries before that time, in some few cases quite possibly earlier still.

I will go on and introduce them one at a time, in order, starting from the east and proceeding west, following the course of the sun across the sky.  There’s  
  1. The Gtam-shul Dga'-thang chorten cache published in 2007, 
  2. The Khyunglung/Sutlej chorten texts found in 2008,  
  3. The Tholing find of 2011, and 
  4. The Matho chorten fragments found in 2014 now posted at BDRC.  
So, as you can see by moving in space from east to west, they are also chronologically arranged according to find dates. We might consider the possibility of adding Tabo manuscripts as a fifth item, although these were preserved in the temple, and not in a chorten, and the dating of each individual manuscript is more of a problem as the collection remained opened for one whole millennium. At the very least some Tabo texts can be made a part of our arguments. I’m entirely open to other ideas about what might be added.*
(*A fantastic book that only now reached publication constrains us to consider two more caches of early texts, those in ’On Ke-ru in south-central and Phu-ri in Gnya’-lam southwestern Tibet. See Matthew T. Kapstein, ed., Tibetan Manuscripts and Early Printed Books, Cornell University Press [Ithaca 2024], vol. 1, p. 22, note 6, noting also in the same volume p. 122, notes 22 and 30.)

There are lots of codicological and paleographical aspects we might touch on here and there, but there are good scholars among you prepared to do a lot better work on this than I can. So I would encourage them to go to work. My aims today are different, not being much concerned with the physical volume and so-called materiality. I want to know what these fragments can tell us about the world they inhabited, and particularly the spiritual worlds they inhabited, the religio-spiritual traditions both exoteric and esoteric.

But first, I need to consider objections that may have already occurred to you involving contemporary issues of cultural property and unprovenanced artifacts. We should set these issues aside for the time being, because they could really take over and leave time for nothing else. But, well, we have to say a little at least.

Put simply, chorten desecration does happen and it’s a real problem. However, in the case of the Gatang, the texts were found during the course of very necessary repairs.  

The Matho texts were found during the de-construction of the chorten or chortens, but this was done under the orders of the locally most highly regarded religious leader, a Rinpoche, specifically Luding Khan Rinpoche. 

The other two caches are not so clear to me, but even if the chortens may have been damaged by looters (this is never clarified), the texts were found onsite after the fact by people with motives of preserving and protecting the monuments.  

None of the four caches I will discuss are supplied to us by the looters (the looters thought they might find items of more value than bits of paper and bark).  I think that fairly resolves one ethical qualm even if not entirely, and leave the rest for future discussion.



This map is supplied to give general idea of the site location of Gatang, just to the north of the eastern part of the northern border that divides Bhutan from Tibet.



Here you see the premier publication that reproduces all four texts found in Gatang Chorten.

Looking at Samten Karmay’s essay (I’ll give the reference in a moment), he tells us how books were found inside a large and quite old chorten during its restoration in 2007. The person in charge of the restoration and the one who actually found the manuscripts was Langru Norbu Tsering (Glang-ru Nor-bu-tshe-ring). He co-authored the book you see here with the wellknown scholar Patsab Pasang Wangdü (Pa-tshab Pa-sangs-dbang-’dus).

If this chorten was indeed built as a kind of tomb memorial for the Nyingma Tertön Nyangral Nyima Özer, its closing ought to date from somewhere around 1200.*
(*His death date is sometimes placed before, and sometimes after, that year. For more on him see this book: Daniel A. Hirschberg, Remembering the Lotus-Born: Padmasambhava in the History of Tibet’s Golden Age, Wisdom [Somerville 2016].)



This is just to provide a visual example of a page from one of the Gatang texts.  Look where the arrow is pointing to see one of the real oddities of these early texts. They could actually split syllables between lines, something unimaginable in later texts.  When I first saw it I couldn’t believe my eyes.




Now I’d like to place before your eyes some of the most significant writings about the Gatang texts so you can study them for yourself if you find the interest. John Bellezza has studied all the texts with the exception of the medical text.



There is one monographic study (see just above), along with a shorter article, by a woman scholar Chagmo Tso (Lcags-mo-mtsho). She says the cache, found in 2006 during reconstruction, included not only the four texts, but also divine images and thangka paintings. She thinks the texts date between mid-eighth to end of ninth centuries. She says (p. 254, point no. 3) the Bon texts were found within the Vessel (Bum-pa), demonstrating that the Bum-pa-che was originally a Bon monument. The words “Rgya-gar Chos-kyi Skad” were added at the beginning marking them as texts originally in an Indian Buddhist language, in order to protect these in fact Bon texts from destruction in the time of Trisongdetsen. Orthography and commonalities of place names (with names of regional lords) convince her the Gathang cache is contemporary to and just as good as Dunhuang.

I can’t follow some of these reasonings, which could be my problem. If you ask me she is a little too confident about the documents themselves dating back to imperial times, as in every way equivalent to Dunhuang documents. But she does add much to the discussion, and there is a lot to learn from this book, especially on matters of codicology. It deserves a closer reading than I’ve been able to give it.



Here you see a few more publications on the Gatang.

To continue with information from Samten Karmay’s essay... This bundle of manuscripts contains three ritual texts and one medical. Evidently the chorten is associated with the death of Nyangral Nyima Özer and dates from that time. That means the texts were likely closed inside at the very beginning of the 13th century. Karmay believes the mss. themselves are pre-11th century. Toni Huber says 11th-12th century. My opinion?  I think late 10th-11th c. is a safe enough guess.*
(*They were scribed for ritual use, and enclosed in the chorten only after the practices they advocated were no longer in use locally; that’s just my opinion, likely they were at least a century old already when they were placed inside.)

Toni Huber’s article is on the Rnel-dri text (the same one illustrated in slide 5), and the same text features in his book Source of Life (2020), vol. 2, pp. 40-49. The rite is primarily concerned with “the post-mortem status of deceased foetuses or miscarried infants and in some cases their mothers, and how this impacts upon the living.”

So, to reiterate: The book by Chagmo Tso tells us and shows in a photograph precisely where inside the chorten these Bon texts were found. This single bundle of manuscripts contained three ritual texts and one medical. Evidently the chorten is associated with the death of Nyangrel Nyima Özer and this gives us a date for the sealing of the texts within it. That means all the texts would have to be twelfth century or earlier, and this is generally confirmed by their actual content.


Now for Khyunglung in the upper Sutlej River valley.  At this moment I will not dwell on the interesting questions that have grown up around this place called Khyung-Bird Valley and its Silver Castle, just to say that it has a pivotal importance in numerous arguments being made in our day about the importance of Bon and Zhangzhung in Tibetan history. And archeologists have played a significant part in these discussions. But this is too unconnected to the matters of concern at the moment to go through all of that here.

(*It is true that the first reproduction in the facsimile edition is surely Bon. It is the only self-evidently Bon text in any of the four caches, with its mentions of Lord Shenrab. The three Gatang texts are not so self-evidently Bon, and could be described as ‘village rites.’)

 




Here you see the 2021 publication with facsimiles of the Khyunglung texts.


Here is the link to a blog that I wrote over four years ago: “Stone Inscription from the 8th-Century Rule of Trisongdetsen Suddenly Shows Up.” The title is slightly off according to my present understanding, as it leads you to expect an inscription carved in stone, while what we have is at best a paper copy of a stone inscription. The earliest reports about it were very confused and confusing and the main studies have yet to appear in print. It is still supposed by many to be a paper copy of a long stone (rdo-ring) inscription, and more specifically the long stone that once stood at the imperial period temple Tradumtsé (Pra-dum-tse). I won’t discuss this complex matter, although it is significant that an official edict type of document from imperial times was preserved with the other mostly Buddhist texts (the first item in the facsimile edition is in fact a Bon text). One modern writer has judged the edict to be a forgery, even if a forgery made during imperial times. All very interesting but not on topic. I will send you to the blog if you want to find out more. It is appended with numerous updates and possible leads for further study.





Apart from the imperial edict, another most interesting thing I noticed in the Khyunglung cache is germane to our subject, so I’d like to delve into it a little with the idea to do more on it in the future if I can. I had at first thought it might be a Zhijé text containing words of Padampa.  From what I can see,  the ordering of elements is not the same as the translated version, which could have relevance for the history of the text. Even before knowing about the Khyunglung fragments, I had noticed text parallels and similar metaphoric usages in the Zhijé  Collection, indicating common sources or cross-fertilization. Perhaps the metaphor of the turtle in the bronze basin would provide a sufficient example for the present. As I was planning a blog on this very subject, I’ll put my evidence in an appendix down below for the entertainment of the diehard Tibetologists among you. 


This is just to show an icon of Zurchungpa and his dates. He was significant for the Mahayoga lineages of the Nyingma school, and a celebrity in his time and place.




Here is a sample page.
Note: That word kha-rje on line 5 might be calqued with honor or merit. It is hardly used after the Mongol advent. It’s spelled variously (in one spelling it might seem to mean something like “king in the castle”). A cultural concept that is difficult to translate exactly, although I suggest honor as one good option. It seems to carry with it the senses of strength and integrity, but also having what is one's due, social standing, merit etc.  Notice, too, on line 6: Dam pa’i zhal nas. This is what made me think it might be a Padampa text.




Now for the Toling cache. I won’t say much about it because, to the best of my knowledge, with one unique exception its texts have not been made public.

We already noticed in Pema Tashi’s one-volume book on codicology (Bod-yig Gna’-dpe'i Rnam-bshad [2013], p. 15), he says booklet format Tibetan texts were found in a chorten near the Golden Temple of Tholing, dating to 11th-12th centuries. Other sources inform us the finding happened in the year 2011.




Unfortunately, the content of the Tholing Chorten cache is not sufficiently known to allow it to figure into our research aims of the moment, as I can say nothing about which Tibetan schools are represented in it.

I know of one and only one publication of the Tholing Chorten texts. In 2017, David Pritzker completed his D.Phil. at Oxford with a dissertation on a very old top-bound booklet from Tholing containing a mid-to-late 12th-century Tibetan history that was otherwise unknown. The same author has published several brief essays on this same subject, and I also noticed this rather recent publication listed somewhere in case you would like to try and locate it where I couldn’t:

Khyungdak Dhartsa’s (’Dar-tsha Khyung-bdag) research article “Mtho-lding Dgon-par Bzhugs-pa’i Rgyal-rabs Zla-rigs-ma Ngos-sbyor Mdor-bsdus,” Tibetology of China, issue no. 4 for the year 2013.




This illustrates a sample page from the history text booklet, top-bound rather than side-bound. To see the entire text, go to BUDA and type this number into its search box: W4CN12077.




Now at long last we’ve arrived at the Matho cache where we will remain for what remains of this blog. It would be a journey of nearly 900 miles if you could travel directly between Number 1, Tamshul near Bhutan, and Number 4, Matho in Ladakh. Rest assured no such direct route exists. Your trip will be much, much longer.

The old Matho chortens, including the King’s Chorten said to be source of the texts (or at least most of them), were disassembled following the wishes of the widely respected religious leader Luding Khan Rinpoche in the spring of 2014.

Why were the texts originally placed there? Helmut Tauscher believes it likely they were brought from nearby Nyar-ma Monastery. This makes sense and there is nothing to argue against it.

It was a library regarded as sacred, but it had over the centuries suffered from accident, neglect or partial destruction. There are indications of presumably accidental fire, but other natural or human causes could explain it. Water and mold damage are sometimes evident. It is difficult to know how much of the deterioration of the text occurred before, and how much after, their enclosure in the chorten[s].

An often asked question, Is it like a geniza?  In Judaism, a geniza is created because the very letters of the script need to be disposed of in a respectful way. But in Tibet fragments of texts are placed inside chortens so that the chorten can benefit from the added holiness. The distinction is not so subtle, and might be taken as a difference in motive. The genizah texts are respectfully disposed of when they are no longer of practical use, while the Tibetan texts are, in addition, made part of the shrine where they remain as a contributing cause for its holiness. Although I won’t pursue this here, I believe in both cases it may be understood that, in a sense, a funeral is taking place.



Just about everything you need to study Matho fragments is freely available on the worldwide web.  Just go the links seen above. The one with the star is most highly recommended.



I’ve put together in one list some interesting writings about Matho Monastery in general, although for our purposes the article by Helmut Tauscher with the star next to it is the only one that really requires attention. You see that others are mainly concerned with local protective spirits and possession rituals.



Here is an interesting photo I found in an Instagram post online. The fragments we find reproduced for us in BDRC are not that small, and it seems that the tiniest paper or birchbark fragments have not been included. In BDRC there are only larger pieces.



A Google search led me to this Facebook page for the Matho Museum, where I saw the remarkable statement you see in slide 22 with an arrow I’ve added to call attention to it. Just imagine storing old manuscripts in a bag. Think how that may in itself be productive of small fragments. I’ve stopped thinking.


•To be continued•



Just click on this: Continued here


Appendix: The Turtle in the Bronze Basin

Do you ever even imagine that effort itself could in some circumstances prove to be an insurmountable impediment to progress? Counterintuitive insight at its best! I am now convinced the metaphor of the turtle in the bronze basin will be subject of a forthcoming blog. At least I will try and try again. Wait for the future, as I suppose we have all been doing without complete success.


Tuesday, April 04, 2023

Memory Keys for Ritual Recitations











I’d like to start with a story. Not one about myself, one told by David Snellgrove about his 1956 travels in Dolpo, Nepal, in his book Himalayan Pilgrimage. Bear in mind, this was back when Nepal as a whole was just opening up to foreign visitors, but even then very few were able to travel to areas this remote.

I’d recommend reading the whole chapter, right now I will restrict myself to his description of a day at the Bön monastery of Samling. At the time the monastery only had a dozen houses and two permanent residents, one of them being the abbot. 

When rituals were held laypeople would come to join in, not just as audience, but as active participants. Snellgrove had already offered the abbot some eyedrops for his sore eyes, and meanwhile they had gotten better, so the abbot was at least trusting and appreciative. To be sure, the abbot was impressed when Snellgrove demonstrated an ability to read Tibetan letters. He even called him a “Bon Tulku.” Perhaps it was an extraordinary compliment, perhaps a little tongue-in-cheek, we’ll never know. 

Here are some portions of his narrative. I have skipped through it to underline particular parts. 

Himalayan Pilgrimage, p. 119:

“We started with the ‘Mother’ (yum) in sixteen massive volumes. The pages with their gilt and silver letters on a black ground measured about 2 & a half feet long by 6 inches wide. There were three hundred or more pages in each volume, all wrapped in cloths and bound between carved half-inch boards. There was dust everywhere. This work is properly known as the ‘Great Sphere’ (khams chen) and corresponds to ‘Perfection of Wisdom’ section of the Tibetan Buddhist Canon, which is also nick-named ‘Mother’.”

... ... …

“Revered as the formal expression of absolute wisdom, they are read as a rite to give immediacy to wisdom’s innate power. Certainly the reading on this occasion was a perfunctory affair. Everyone present opened one of the volumes, flicked the dust out of the pages and began to read sonorously.”

... “The ‘Mother’ revealed itself as a complete imitation of its Buddhist equivalent.”


The next pages have many more statements like this, about how this and that scripture is ‘obviously’ just an imitation of Buddhist scriptures.

At pp. 122-23: 

“The day’s performance had fully served its purpose, for I now had a general idea of the contents of the collection and knew which books were worth looking at again.”


Saying so isn’t very helpful to the ideas I’m searching for, but I think today we naturally object to the rhetoric of “fully served its purpose,” since it’s so clearly not the purpose of the text reading to satisfy the research aims of foreigners, a kind of spywork. We’re likely to think of the controversies surrounding Fritz Staal’s Agni (he revived an extremely elaborate and costly Vedic ritual entirely in order to study it), but anyway... all this leads off into a different direction than I intended.

However that may be, I say: Give him a break. He did mention “Wisdom’s innate power,” and that couldn’t be more on the mark. Recall how L. Austin Waddell once purchased a small monastery and made sure it was filled by monks just so he could study what they would do there.  Was anyone harmed by this arrangement? It’s good to ask questions, but my questions lead off in a different direction.

This ritual observance — the same one Snellgrove made into his ethnographic object only to make light of it (we have to ask, Was he consciously pandering to an imagined audience?) — is arguably a practice going back to the beginnings of Buddhism two and half millennia before present. And I suggest it may prove worthwhile to refocus our attention on this practice before passing judgements about how the Bön similarities and distinctions may have come about.

I’d like to mention an article by Franz-Karl Ehrhard on “reading authorizations” (ལུང་) because, on its page 209, there are examples of some intriguing ways of shortening lengthy readings, methods bearing names like “cutting off the wave.” Some apparently read only the beginning, middle and end of each page. I just want to say that such shortcuts are well enough known to get names of their own.

Inviting nuns and monks into your home for ritual readings has been a continuous practice in Tibetan Buddhism for at least the last millennium. Some famous early figures were known practitioners: such as Machik Labdron who as a young woman served as scripture reader/reciter in laypeople’s homes. And it continues today, as one might gather from jokes I heard in Bodhanath in Nepal in the late 1980’s. 

Here are two examples where a householder asks a question of one of the monk reciters:

Q: In the past whenever we invited the monks to our house to read the Perfection of Wisdom, we always heard the name of Rabjor repeated many, many times. Why haven’t we heard it today?

A: Wait! Here they are coming up right now, "Rabjor, Rabjor, Rabjor, Rabjor."

Another example:

Q: Why is it I see you move your head to the right only three times when you are reading!

A: We don’t go back empty!

So, we can see that not only Snellgrove, but Tibetans themselves could make light of the practice, but in a way that might actually serve to tell us how significant it is. To understand the jokes and find them funny, at least, requires familiarity with the practice. And, more to the point: These ritual readers have a long line of predecessors that plunges us far back into the history of Buddhist scriptures, back to the first centuries before they were even written down.

One book that impressed me so much in my early days that I still remember it well is a certain science fiction book. It moves in a different direction, but still I think it helps us think seriously about changing strategies in text preservation that might take place when the ‘text’ transitions into manuscript form.



Ray Bradbury’s famous novel is exactly as old as I am, but it is set in the distant future, in the 24th century. The main character Guy Montag works as a fireman, but this future kind of fireman doesn’t put out fires, since all houses had been built with fireproofing. Instead he is called to incinerate books wherever they may be found. 

I would like to insert a little commentary: Bradbury wrote at exactly the time when televisions were first being installed in a large number of homes, and people voiced fears that the audio-visual media would be used for information control placed in the service of social control, but also that silly and pointless entertainment would take the place of moral edification and learning. 

So, going back to the novel: In the 24th century people have large flatscreen televisions that are oddly interactive, drawing the viewers into the narrative. I recommend reading the book if you haven’t, especially for the way it ends, which I must spoil for you: Guy Montag, pursued as a criminal book owner, crosses over the river away from his familiar dystopian society, and joins a band of outcastes in the woods. Each of them embodies a particular book in their memory. In order to ensure its preservation, each one recites it to themselves, but also into the ears of an apprentice who memorizes it in order to pass it on to the next generation.

I’ve long thought that Bradbury was influenced by the Dharma Bhāṇaka who played such a leading role in Buddhism’s lengthy orality phase. I can’t tell you where he might have read or heard about it, but I believe he did.

Buddhism’s original orality has been nicely explored and explained in an essay by Peter Skilling I recommend as a short and pithy summary with up-to-date information and plenty of bibliography.

The latest manuscriptology tells us that the earliest written examples of Buddha Word date from not too long — maybe a century, maybe two? two and a half? — before the time of King Kanishka.  His dates have long been a problem, but it seems he reigned in the first half of the 2nd century CE.

Kanishka is credited with sponsoring the “third rehearsal.” Before I go ahead and read a passage about it from the long Deyu history dating to around 1261, I’d like to say a few things. The usual translation of saṅgīti is not “rehearsal” but “council.” This word council creates the false expectation that the reasons for holding them are the same as the councils of early Christianity, to decide which written books will be canonical and/or to confront unsettled doctrinal questions. It has to be emphasized that the more accurate translation of saṅgīti would be “communal recitation,” or even “chorus,” since the main aim of this meeting was not really to discuss differences even if that did occur in some infamous instances, so much as to ensure communal harmony in the monastic Community as well as to see if they were on the same page, so to speak. On these important points, see Bhikkhu Anālayo’s essay “First Saṅgīti and Theravāda Monasticism” and his book published last year. (The book details are listed below.)

The following is from A History of Buddhism in India and Tibet: An Expanded Version of the Dharma’s Origins Made by the Learned Scholar Deyu, p. 317, in its account of the Third Council:

[King Kaniṣka] was not only intelligent and wise but he was also one with great faith who believed in the Dharma teachings. He investigated to find out if the Dharma teachings of the Buddha, the Word, had suffered interpolations or not. What he found was that they had decayed compared with their previous condition. Even after the compilation was done, there were some ordinary unenlightened people — people not favored with the dhāraṇi of never forgetting — who recited scripture with gaps and additions. That is why, at that time, they did what was necessary for making the Teachings of the Buddha remain for a long time and benefit sentient beings of the future. They committed the Baskets of the Word to texts with words written in letters. They inscribed them in palm-leaf bundles and sacred Volumes. There turned out to be five hundred incense-elephant loads worth of them, and after consecration, they were placed in the temple.

I want to emphasize, these meetings were supposed to ensure the continuity of the teachings through recitation and memorization.  Communal recitations were an opportunity to check for accuracy. They served purposes that might in book culture be filled by editors or editorial boards.

I made myself a very long reading list at the beginning of the year, but unfortunately there was so much to read in English, not to mention Tibetan, that I didn’t get nearly as far as I had hoped. High in the list were works by Mark Allon and Eviatar Shulman, but I most recommend the recent book by Bhikkhu Anālayo, which I found quite interesting for its way of dealing with textual change during the era of orality. Still, my own area for exploration is first of all in the Mahāyāna, not the Theravāda, and secondly, mostly long post-dating the orality-only era.

I most recommend some recent Oxford Zoominars, all available for free viewing on the web:

Natalie Gummer, “The Dharmabhāṇaka’s Body and the Ontologization of Authority,” February  21, 2022, 6:00 pm.

Robert Mayer, “Dharmabhāṇakas, Siddhas, Avatārakasiddhas, and gTer stons,” May 23, 2022, 6:00 pm.

Ryan Overbey, “Theorizing Buddhist Revelation in the Great Lamp of the Dharma Dhāraṇī Scripture,” February 6, 2023, 5:00 pm.

I’d like to especially draw attention to the third one by Ryan Overbey, concerning The Great Lamp of the Dharma Dhāraṇī Scripture, a lengthy text available only in an end-of-sixth-century Chinese translation. It purports to transform the wielder of its dhāraṇī into a perfect Buddhist reciter / preacher: a Dharmabhāṇaka. Becoming a perfect Reciter entails entering “the Treasury of Tathāgatas,” a state in which the Reciter accesses the awakening of Buddhas. Ritually re-presencing the Buddha in the body of the Reciter, the Reciter’s sermons are authorized as the Word of the Buddha. Overbey says the Dharmabhāṇaka is the key figure in representing the Buddha in this text. And the text describes a kind of secret letter-code in 40 or 42 letters divided into three classes, the classes of vowels, consonants and nasals. The number of 42 letters suggests it would be identical to the Arapacana alphabet, the alphabet of Kharoṣṭhī script, and this shouldn’t be surprising in the least, since the translation of this text into Chinese is attributed to a Gandhāran monk.*

(*If this sentence made no sense, read the introductory chapters to Salomon’s book. Thanks to Jonathan Silk for recommending a more cautious way to phrase this, with reference to the database of Michael Radich. There’s a whole chapter in Overbey's dissertation I’ll have to read before deciding for myself if the caution is justifiable or not.)

Similar ideas about envisioning the Dharmabhāṇaka as ritual stand-in for the Buddha himself may be encountered in the Zoominar of Natalie Gummer as well as in some of her recently published articles. Gummer’s studies are based in a few of the better-known Mahāyāna Sūtras, the Suvarṇaprabhāsottama and Saddharmapuṇḍarīka

I should also mention here a 2011 article by David Drewes. Drewes surveys a large number of Mahāyāna Sūtras, and in doing so helps us visualize the social scene involved in the ritual in early centuries. Recitations were likely to take place on monthly fast days when laypeople were anyway most likely to visit the temples and monasteries. The Dharma Reciter, who could be a woman as we find made explicit here and there, would sit in an elevated place or even a throne, and the recitation itself could continue all through the night. 




I find this colophon page very charming and illustrative at the same time. See how the frame with the devoted patron figures — their names are given — flows almost seamlessly (the horse artlessly steps out of one frame into another, as if it were unconscious of crossing over a huge time gap) from the narrative of Sadāprarudita’s quest for the perfect Dharmabhāṇaka to the sacred Volume of the Perfection of Wisdom, here depicted on a stand in front of the patron couple, the same patrons who sponsored the scribing of it. The more I look at it the more meaning it seems to emanate. But on a critical note we should observe that the final chapters of the scriptures with the story of Sadāprarudita (རྟག་ཏུ་ངུ་) are absent in earlier Chinese translations. These same chapters might even be lacking in the earliest Tibetan translation, a matter that will need to be sorted out over time when close study of those translations will be taken up in earnest. 




In my dissertation of 1991 I looked into matters relevant to the Bön and Chö (བོན་ & ཆོས་) Wisdom Scriptures as one of several significant side issues in my pursuit of Shenchen Luga’s place in history. These issues included comparison of the 32 bodily signs of an Enlightened One, along with an initial exploration of stories about the earliest Prajñāpāramitā translations into Tibetan (look here).

I went into those earliest translations once more in a blog of 2012, “1,200-Year-Old Perfection of Wisdom Uncovered in Drepung” after learning of an amazing new find. It had by then become known that two volumes from a 9th-century scribed set containing a late 8th-century version of the Hundred Thousand had surfaced in Lhasa. An inscription added to the first page tells us it had earlier been rescued from a fire in the now-destroyed temple of Karchung [where there was once a pillar inscription of Emperor Senaleg — སད་ན་ལེགས་], across the Kyichu from Lhasa. Kawa Sherab Zangpo reported on these Volumes at Königswinter in 2006, with the article appearing in 2009. He had found the third volume in June of 2003, and the second volume in October of the same year. In May of 2011, Sam van Schaik reported in his blog that the persons named as scribes of those two surviving Volumes were in fact scribes of Chinese and Tibetan ethnicities known from Dunhuang scribal colophons. That clearly shows that the Lhasa Volumes had actually been scribed in a workshop in Dunhuang.



I just want to remind you of a set of Volume-related practices, normally ten of them, found in a number of Pāli and Mahāyāna sources. As these lists always includes ‘writing’ they are surely post-dating the oral-written watershed, somewhere in the centuries close to the beginning of the Common Era. Here we see that the Khams-brgyad (Eight Elements) of Bön has similar ideas. It may be obvious, but the first three would only be relevant to a literate book culture, while the last three would be just as relevant to oral as to literate recitation practices. I have to emphasize the recitation practices continued. Book culture didn’t stop it, just added elements to it, most obviously paper, pens/brushes and ink. Even memorization practices continued more-or-less as before. And I would argue that contemporary practices such as Wisdom Scripture readings and reading authorizations (lung) as well can only exist because of the orality phase that preceded written scriptures.


Khamgyé  —  Eight Elements  —  ཁམས་བརྒྱད།

1. The Element of Coming to Be — སྲིད་པའི་ཁམས།

2. The Element of Continual Flow — རྒྱུན་གྱི་ཁམས།

3. The Element of Appearance — སྣང་བའི་ཁམས།

4. Element of Empti[ness] — སྟོང་པའི་ཁམས།

5. The Element of Clarifying Particulars — སོ་སོ་གསལ་བའི་ཁམས།

6. The Element of Awareness — རིག་པའི་ཁམས།

7. The Element of the Full Sphere — དབྱིངས་ཀྱི་ཁམས།

8. The Element of Evenness [Full Knowledge] — མཉམ་པ་ཉིད་ཀྱི་ཁམས།


Here you see the Eight Elements that broadly characterize the ’Bum section of Bön scriptures as a whole. More specifically, it serves as the most general outline of the 16-volume version of the scripture that likely derived its own title from the list, the Khamgyé, or Eight Elements. Each of the Eight Elements is covered by two of the 16 volumes, in the order given here. Not so obvious is the fact that the Eight Elements occur in conceptually joined pairs, with the first of each pair tending toward the objective spheres and the second tending toward the inward or subjective spheres. There is a strong streak of rationality in it. And at the same time I’m convinced after a little database-searching that these Eight Elements, whether individually and as a group, are not shared with the Chos Wisdom Scriptures found in our modern Kanjurs. They are unique to the Bön Wisdom Scriptures. Yes, there is something special about this Bön transmission of Buddhist text and text-related practice. I’m convinced the more we look the more we will find. Starting as we too often do from the commonplace sectarian polemical positions on the subject — nefariously motivated text alteration — we would never think it worth our while to look further. Since, assuming we are not the type of person who would build castles on the hot air of sectarian arguments, the historical circumstances are entirely dark for us, our best method is to pursue lines of enquiry that could possibly shed some light. These small works listed below are a good place to start searching for those cracks in the wall that could conceivably let in a little light.


The three Khamgyé texts by Lhari Nyenpo are these:

A. Khams-brgyad-kyi Zhun-thig Rnam-dbye Grangs-su Bkod-pa.  Thirteen topics.  

B. Khams-brgyad-kyi Phyi-mo Gsum-la Btug-pa’i Dag-yig.  On the three ‘grandmother’ texts or Vorlagen.

C. Khams-brgyad Gtan-la Phabs-pa’i Rnam-dbye Spyi-don Dgu-yis Bstan-pa.  Nine topics.


That was just a list the titles of the three very brief extracanonical texts by Lhari Nyenpo (ལྷ་རི་གཉེན་པོ་) that often accompany the Eight Elements scripture in 16 vols., the one found by Shenchen Luga in 1017 CE.* We’ll look at the initially confusing set of author names in the colophons in a moment and then say something about their content. First I want to go into the identity and the biography of the author a little. I have to thank Jean-Luc Achard for locating the biography for me when I was unable to do it myself.

(*All three texts have been transcribed in an Appendix at the end of this blog. Among the several versions of the three texts I could find, there is even an eBook version placed on Scribd website that can be downloaded if you or a friend has a subscription. I have to thank Gendun Rabsal for providing the texts as found in the 1975 Indian publication as preserved in Indiana University Library, which is the one I prefer.)




The biography of Lhari Nyenpo is by one Dmyal-ston Lha-rtse, a direct disciple of his. It tells us Lhari Nyenpo was born in a Mouse year with no further specifications. His birth was predicted ahead of time by the famous Khro-tshang ’Brug-lha, known to Bönpos for his divination methods and for revealing the Chamma (བྱམས་མ་), or “Outer Mother Tantra” literature. His mother died when he was ten and his father sent him to study with the three main disciples of Shenchen Luga, the main representatives of the Southern Treasures (ལྷོ་གཏེར་), despite the fact that his ancestors had followed the Northern Treasures (བྱང་གཏེར་), not the Southern. He broke off his studies at one point to go to Tingri Langkhor, where he circumambulated the shrine for Padampa Sangyé. That he did so is less surprising when we remember that Khro-tshang ’Brug-lha was well known for his association with Padampa. But Lhari Nyenpo’s visit to his shrine must mean Padampa had died already when the former was a young man. This suggests a later date for Lhari Nyenpo, perhaps 60 years later, but then it appears Padampa’s own death date may need moving back by at least twelve years or so from the usual Blue Annals date of 1117 to 1105, so the chronological situation is muddier than we would like. This isn’t at all unusual for pre-Mongol-era figures who usually only made use of the twelve-year animal cycle for datings.

After several years of travel and study he returned to his home valley of Shang (ཤངས་) and to his father. At 23 years of age he married, but had no child before age 40. He became a teacher in his own right and much of the remainder of the 48-page biography is related to his students and teaching activities. All three of his teachers, belonging to the Spa, ’Bru and Zhu clans, attended his father’s funeral. This would have taken place when he was in his 30’s but before he turned 40, when his first son, the first of two, Khorlo Gyelpo (འཁོར་ལོ་རྒྱལ་པོ་) was born.  Now the Spa teacher was born in 1014, the Zhu in 1002, and the ’Bru lived from 996-1054. In the case of ’Bru, the Horse year of his death as given in our biography does fit the year 1054, for what it’s worth.

Despite our hopes, no specific mention of the three small texts that interest us right now could be found in the biography. The only thing I could find is at p. 40, line 6: a mention of the Hundred Thousand as one of the many subjects about which he made commentaries and outlines. Unfortunately, I know of only one further work by him that survives today, a Bardo Prayer (try this link).

On the way to Ü, the central province, he stopped in Nyemo (སྙེ་མོ་) Valley where the local Bönpos awarded him a place called Zangri (བཟང་རི་). In effect he founded this significant monastery as we know from many other sources. He died in a Sheep year, in his 72nd year.




This information about the earliest manuscripts of the Eight Elements is from the second brief text by Lhari Nyenpo. As it says already in the title, it intends to compare the three direct copies from Shenchen’s treasure manuscript. I believe this would be the first Tibetan-authored text-critical study of any Wisdom Scripture manuscript. The treasure manuscript was copied by Chogla Yungdrungkyi (ཅོག་ལ་གཡུང་དྲུང་སྐྱིད་) who, after copying it offered a copy to Shenchen Luga that was called Hardened Leather Cover. The same person made a further copy for himself called Red Hundred Thousand. The Great Eight Elements in Tiny Black [Letters], scribed only with black ink was a ‘son copy’ on basis of the treasure manuscript that is preserved even today in Zhu Rizhing (ཞུ་རི་ཞིང་) Monastery. It makes use of this Tibetan word,



and this is the very word I want to concentrate on for the rest of the time: drekang (འགྲེས་རྐང་).* After many years of pondering I still don’t have a satisfying English translation for it. I’ve sometimes felt the urge to throw away all my dictionaries, useless things that they are when you need them the most. You may know the feeling. All the same, I do have ideas about what it means. It means the repeated statements you find in the Wisdom Scriptures, with each repetition inserting a different element from a long list of dharmas or böns both sangsaric and nirvanic. The list is, keeping its original order, collated one-at-a-time into empty slots in repeated portions of prose or verse. For convenience, until I find a more appropriate term, I’ll just call them ‘repetition statements.’ Conze recognized this phenomenon and described it long ago in his 1978 book entitled Prajnaparamita Sutras, p. 10:

“These three texts [the 18,000, 25,000 and 100,000 Prajnaparamita Sutras] are really one and the same book. They only differ in the extent to which the "repetitions" are copied out. A great deal of traditional Buddhist meditation is a kind of repetitive drill, which applies certain laws or principles to a certain number of fixed categories. If, for instance, you take the statement that "X is emptiness and the very emptiness is X", then the version in 100,000 lines laboriously applies this principle to about 200 items, beginning with form, and ending with the dharmas, or attributes, which are characteristic of a Buddha. Four-fifths of the Satasahasrika, or at least 85,000 of its 100,000 lines, are made up by the repetition of formulas, which sometimes (as in ch. 13 and 26) fill hundreds of consecutive leaves. An English translation of the Large Prajñaparamita, minus the repetitions, forms a handy volume of about 600 printed pages (see p. 37). The reader of the Sanskrit or Tibetan version must, however, struggle through masses and masses of monotonous repetitions which interrupt and obscure the trend of the argument.” 

(*I recommend this blog entry by Dorji Wangchuk posted at Philologia Tibetica in February of 2020. It is by far the most useful discussion of the term drekang I know about.)  

 


As for those “monotonous repetitions” — Moving over quickly to the Bön Hundred Thousand, in its first volume, at the point where it first introduces the concept “sangsaric and nirvanic böns,” it lists them all. What you see just above is its list of the sangsaric böns, all fitted on the same page. These are the terms that are slotted into the repeated statements. I’ve made a compilation of lists of sangsaric and nirvanic böns and dharmas from many different sources, but I leave those aside for now thinking I have already provided you with too much opportunity to practice the Perfection of Patience.



Now I’m moving back to the first of the three Eight Elements commentarial texts by Lhari Nyenpo. This is the very passage that initiated my bewilderment and fascination with the word drekang, although it appears a few other times in the three texts. I’ll try to translate this brief passage. The mchan-notes, because they are rubrics, I put in red letters and in square brackets. These originally appeared in smaller letters on a different line of the text connected by dots that may or may not be very visible. For all I know the rubrics are by the original author:

“When they are all added up, there are 126 [the list of both sangsaric and nirvanic böns], while the (Nine) Yungdrung Limbs are neither listed nor put in repetition statements [missing in the lists and the repetition statements, they were added.]

Here in this pre-Mongol era Tibetan text we find the basic vocabulary for the two things involved in the text-generation process for making those lengthy repetition passages found in all the longer versions of the Wisdom Scriptures: first the enumeration or just the ‘list,’ and secondly the ‘repetition statements.’

I don’t want to say that Lhari Nyenpo was the first to use the term drekang without qualifying the statement. It’s easy to check this by doing first an exact and then a fuzzy search in the Kanjur and Tanjur database from Vienna. Doing so establishes that the term appears only once as such in the Kanjur and Tanjur, and this is in a work by the Kashmir Buddhist master Dharmaśrī. We don’t know much about him, just that he came to Tibet as a student accompanying the Indian Buddhist master Vajrapāṇi, b. 1017 (Blue Annals, p. 859), which does help verify the 11th-century date for him and his Tibetan co-translator Ba-reg Lotsāwa. Dharmaśrī wrote nothing other than these two interesting Prajñāpāramitā commentarial works, the one in question here (the second one listed just below) being on the Hundred Thousand. It’s quite a significant passage that deserves more attention, just not right now.

 — Prajñāpāramitākośatāla (Shes-rab-kyi Pha-rol-tu Phyin-pa’i Mdzod-kyi Lde-mig). Tôhoku no. 3806. Dergé Tanjur, vol. DA, folios 228r.4-235r.7. Translated by Ba-rig (i.e. Ba-reg).

 — Śatasāhasrikāvyākhyā (Stong-phrag Brgya-pa’i Rnam-par Bshad-pa). Tôhoku no. 3802. Dergé Tanjur, vol. TA, folios 204r.3-270r.7. Authorship given with a question mark.

An exact search finds nothing else in the Tanjur. Still, if we do a fuzzy search for the phrase grangs ’gres (a contraction of the longer phrase grangs dang ’gres rkang) as we find in Lhari Nyenpo’s text, we do find significant passages that are in the same semantic ballpark. Enough of that.

I’ve finished giving my conclusions, as far as I’m going to give any today, but I do want to end with a quick tour of the Chos literature on drekang. That way I hope you will be able to take away with you a memory of the word drekang and the idea that it is one mechanical memory tool among still others in the toolboxes of ritual reciters intending to generate a consciousness of the unstable, ineffable, insubstantial, relative, interdependent, interconnected, unreifiable, unquantifiable, insubstantial and indeed empty nature of all dharmas both sangsaric and nirvanic. This tool went right on working from somewhere during the half millennium of orality through two millennia of book culture until today. And today we don’t know where we are unless (because?) we’re in front of a screen, almost as if Fahrenheit 451 has come true a few centuries earlier than its author predicted.


§   §   §


Appendix on the Most Relevant Tibetan Literature

Continue only if you are interested in [1] later literature relevant to the earliest Tibetan translations of Perfection of Wisdom in One Hundred Thousand Lines and [2] the Gelugpa literature about drekang. I’ll ask whoever doesn’t find the subject compelling to go find something better to read.

I may have been first to introduce this Rongtön text to the academic world when I spoke of it in my 1991 dissertation (on basis of a 1985 Indian reprint), and since then nobody mentions it. That is not only odd but a pity since it has to be crucial for anyone interested in the Wisdom Scriptures in their Tibetan forms, but also for the history of textual criticism or ‘philology’ as a Tibetan practice and, needless to say Manuscriptology. 

Even if I won’t make much hay out of it, Rongtön was educated as a Bönpo in the far eastern end of the high plateau until age 18 when he was sent to study in Central Tibet. He would in his later years become one of the most prominent Tibetan intellectuals, as a member of the Sakya School, basing himself in a monastery in Penpo (འཕན་པོ་) Valley north of Lhasa. Modern-day Bönpos regard him with much respect.

In his text Rongtön identified five different text-historical levels in the translations of the Hundred Thousand, some of them preserved in manuscripts kept in specific places. He names no less than 65 locations where named and/or described manuscripts could be found. And he distinguishes them for us by identifying their different numbers of chapters, among other things.



The next text I stumbled upon, quite recently, in one of those enormous sets of early Kadampa works compiled and reprinted in recent years by the Peltsek group in Lhasa. It was written at an unknown date by a person I haven’t positively identified yet, but I think it may be as old as Rongtön’s text, or even a century or two older. It was, if you can read the small cursive letters on the slide, specifically written because of the need to edit the Tibetan text of the Hundred Thousand. For most of it the author goes chapter by chapter reporting to us about specific additions and omissions that characterize particular existing manuscripts. Believe it or not, he says he consulted with no fewer than 184 old examples of the Hundred Thousand. What comes next is still more amazing to hear if you are a Tibetan manuscriptologist: He says that the birchbark manuscript lists 160 Samādhis, while the others have no more than 119, and some as few as 12 or 21. Who imagined there might have been birchbark manuscripts of the Hundred Thousand in Tibetan? We do know of birchbarks with Tibetan on them, but only short dhāraṇīs enclosed in imperial era images as part of their consecration rites. Well, there is that seemingly exceptional bound codice made of birchbark that was displayed (and may still be displayed) in the modern Tibet Museum in Lhasa, but it's in Sanskrit written in an Indic script.

Anyway... It shares similar aims with Rongtön’s, uses similar editorial vocabulary including drekang and related terms. And perhaps most intriguing for us, this text, too, mentions the Hundred Thousand manuscript once kept at the Imperial period Karchung Temple. This is the one I mentioned before, the one that survived a fire to be rediscovered in the 21st century. Just look at p. 382, where it is discussing a section of a repetition statement in the bam-po section no. 10 that is missing in some examples. It then says we can know this because "it is actually to be found in other examples such as the Hundred Thousand manuscript that was not burned in the fire at Karchung."*

(*Kawa, in his article, says this should be the one known elsewhere as Sbug-’bum, that would have had four volumes only. But Rongtön calls this Karchung set the Yugs-’bum, and says it has six parts (dum-bu), listing it among 17 then-existing examples of medium-lengthed imperial translations, all of them in either four or six parts.)


Gelugpa literature about drekang:



This one is written by the famous regent ruler of Tibet at the end of the 17th century. This may be the earliest in the series of Gelukpa authored drekang texts, but unfortunately it hasn’t come down to us. It may have been 71 folios in length, which would make it by far the longest one I’ve known about.  I don’t know why Gelukpas took over discussions on this topic, but the fact is they did, so to cap things off, I will run through the list of them attempting to put them in chronological order. All five of them are available, and for most part extremely short.  



This one by a very famous incarnate Lama of Amdo tells us at the end that it is extracted from Rongtön’s work (and only a very small part of it, too, since about all we have here is the list of sangsaric and nirvanic dharmas).



I still haven’t studied this one closely, but I hope to. It is relatively long and written in a clear style.



Here you see the one by Longdol Lama. Back before the 1970s people locked in universities throughout most of the world used to quote Longdol Lama a lot, since his Collected Works was likely to be the only such set available to them. Now we have thousands of them.

These last two belong to the 20th century:







Some, not all, of the works mentioned or not mentioned

Note: For an overview of Wisdom Scriptures of the non-Bön kinds and studies based on them, you could read Conze’s 1978 monograph on the subject, or even better, start with Apple’s essay and then move on to Zacchetti’s, at least its first parts.

Mark Allon, Style and Function: A Study of the Dominant Stylistic Features of the Prose Portions of Pali Canonical Sutta Texts and their Mnemonic Function, International Institute for Buddhist Studies (Tokyo 1997).

Mark Allon, The Composition and Transmission of Early Buddhist Texts with Specific Reference to Sutras, Hamburg Buddhist Studies no. 17, Projekt Verlag (Bochum 2021).

James B. Apple, “Prajñāpāramitā,” a 20-page entry in Arvind Sharma’s Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, a pre-published draft from a book that was supposed to appear in the spring of 2015. The book did appear in print in 2019, but the price of purchase plus mailing is beyond the budgets of 99% of us humans. With BookDepository (long bought out by Amazon) with its free mailing shutting down later this month, book lovers of the whole world will be tightly squeezed in the vices of Amazon/DHL until their nefarious plan to shut down book culture altogether is achieved (I’m guessing sometime next year if not already).

Bhikkhu Anālayo, Early Buddhist Oral Tradition: Textual Formation and Transmission, Wisdom Publications (Somerville 2022).

Bhikkhu Anālayo, “Early Buddhist Orality and Challenges of Memory,” an oral presentation for the International Association of Buddhist Studies (Seoul, August 2022). Look here.

Ray Bradbury, “Ray Bradbury Reveals the True Meaning of Fahrenheit 451: It’s Not about Censorship, but  People Being Turned into Morons by TV,” an entry at the website Open Culture (August 10th, 2017). The book bannings by the Florida governor deSantis in recent weeks can be brought into this discussion. Perhaps Bradbury is right in saying that teachers and librarians, if they tacitly resist by just putting those books back on the shelves, will win over tyranny in the end.

Edward Conze, The Prajñāpāramitā Literature, The Reiyukai (Tokyo 1978). I recall that Conze once mentioned the title of the Eight Elements scripture of Bön, but with nothing further to say about it. I suppose it may have been in this book. Anyway, it isn’t all that important.

Ding Yi, “‘By the Power of the Perfection of Wisdom’: The ‘Sūtra-Rotation’ Liturgy of the Mahāprajñāpāramitā at Dunhuang,’ Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 139, no. 3 (July 2019), pp. 661-679. There are interesting passages in Chinese that can be used to draw a picture of Dunhuang Buddhist recitation rituals. Incidentally, on p. 663 are some important references to Tibetan-language Imperial Hundred Thousand (Bla-’bum) manuscripts

Brandon Dotson, “Failed Prototypes: Foliation and Numbering in Ninth-Century Tibetan Śatasāhasrikā-Prajñāpāramitā-Sūtras,” Journal Asiatique, vol. 303, no. 1 (2015), pp. 153-164. 

David Drewes, “Dharmabhāṇakas in Early Mahāyāna,” Indo-Iranian Journal, vol. 54 (2011), pp. 331-372.

David Drewes, Mahāyāna Sūtras and Their Preachers: Rethinking the Nature of a Religious Tradition, doctoral dissertation, University of Virginia (2006). Not seen.

Franz-Karl Ehrhard, “In Search of the bKa' 'gyur lung: The Accounts of the Fifth Dalai Lama and His Teachers,” contained in: Volker Caumanns et al., eds., Gateways to Tibetan Studies: A Collection of Essays in Honour of David P. Jackson on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday, Indian and Tibetan Studies no. 12.1, Department of Indian and Tibetan Studies, Universität Hamburg (2021), vol. 1, pp. 205-232. 

Charlotte Eubanks, “Voice as Talisman: Theorising Sound in Medieval Japanese Treatises on the Musical Art of Sutra Chanting,” Postmedieval: A Journal of Medieval Cultural Studies, online journal (2023), in 27 pages.

Furusaka Koichi, “Adhimukti and Sūtra-Recitation of the Aṣṭasāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā,” contained in: ICEBS editorial board, ed., Esoteric Buddhist Studies: Identity in Diversity, Koyasan University (Koyasan 2008), pp. 267-271.

Natalie D. Gummer, “Listening to the Dharmabhāṇaka: The Buddhist Preacher in and of the Sūtra of Utmost Golden Radiance,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion, vol. 80, no. 1 (March 2012), pp. 137-160.

———, “The Senses of Performance and the Performance of the Senses: The Case of the Dharmabhāṇaka’s Body,” Journal of Indian Philosophy (2022). Not yet seen.

Kazushi Iwao, “On the Roll-Type Tibetan Śatasāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā Sūtra from Dunhuang,” contained in: B. Dotson et al., eds., Scribes, Texts and Rituals in Early Tibet and Dunhuang, Ludwig Reichert (Wiesbaden 2013), pp 111-119. Among other matters, this shows that very early Tibetan versions of the Hundred Thousand could be brought to the Dunhuang area from Central Tibet for copying purposes.

Kawa Sherab Zangpo (སྐ་བ་ཤེས་རབ་བཟང་པོ་), “Comments on Emperor Khri lde srong btsan’s Bla ’bum” (བཙན་པོ་ཁྲི་ལྡེ་སྲོང་བཙན་གྱི་ཐུགས་དམ་བླ་འབུམ་སྐོར་ངོ་སྤྲོད་ཞུ་བ་), contained in: Hildegard Diemberger and Karma Phuntsho, Ancient Treasures, New Discoveries, International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies (Halle 2009), pp. 55-72. This Tibetan-language essay is supplied with a relatively long resumé in English.

Jinah Kim, “Iconography and Text: The Visual Narrative of the Buddhist Book-Cult in the Manuscript of the Ashṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra,” contained in: Arundhati Banerji & Devangana Desai, eds., Kalādarpaṇa: The Mirror of Indian Art, Aryan International (New Delhi 2008), pp. 250-268. Find it here.

Marcelle Lalou, “La version tibétaine des Prajñāpāramitā,” Journal Asiatique, (July-September 1929), pp. 87-102.

———, “Les manuscrits tibétaines des Grandes Prajñāpāramitā trouvés à Touen-Houang,” contained in: Silver Jubilee Volume of the Zinbun-Kagaku-Kenkusyo, Kyoto University (Kyoto 1954), pp. 257-261.

———, “Les plus anciens rouleaux tibétains trouvés à Touen-houang,” Rocznik Orientalistyczny, vol. 21 (1957), pp. 149-152.

———, “Manuscrits tibétains de la Śatasāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā cachés à Touen-houang,” Journal Asiatique, vol. 252, fasc. 4 (1964), pp. 479-486.

Lewis Lancaster, “The Oldest Mahāyāna Sūtra: Its Significance for the Study of Buddhist Development,” Eastern Buddhist, n.s. vol. 8, no. 1 (May 1975), pp. 30-41. Here the author summarizes in an accessible way his doctoral research drawing on the evidence of early Chinese translations.

Sylvain Lévi, “Sur la récitation primitive des textes bouddhiques,” Journal Asiatique (May-June 1915), pp. 401-447.

Sodo Mori, “The Origin and the History of the Bhānaka Tradition,” contained in: Ananda: Papers on Buddhism and Indology a Felicitation Volume Presented to Ananda Weihena Palliya Guruge on his Sixtieth Birthday (Colombo 1990), pp. 108-111.

Richard F. Nance, “Indian Buddhist Preachers Inside and Outside the Sūtras,” Religion Compass, vol. 2 (2008), pp. 1-26.

Ryan  Richard Overbey, Memory, Rhetoric, and Education in the Great Lamp of the Dharma Dhāraṇī Scripture, PhD dissertation, Harvard University (Cambridge 2010). I’ve just found out I could access this, so I’ll have to let you know what I find in it another time. It’s unbearably rich, and ought to be a book already.

Gemma Perry, Vince Polito, Narayan Sankaran, & William Forde Thompson, “How Chanting Relates to Cognitive Function, Altered States, and Quality of Life,” Brain Sciences, vol. 12 (2022), in 22 pages.  “Chanting has been found to decrease stress and depressive symptoms, increase focused attention, increase social cohesion, and induce mystical experiences.” Excited scientists think they have discovered something the humanists regard as very old news. Nothing new in that.

Gemma Perry, Vince Polito, & William Forde Thompson, “Rhythmic Chanting and Mystical States across Traditions,” Brain Sciences, vol. 11 (2021), in 17 pages. Both articles are offered as an alternative view for all those who dismiss recitation and chanting as simply boring and to no good effect. I have no idea if early Buddhist scripture recitations were ‘monotonous’ or not. I prefer the idea that they were in some degree melodious, delivered by persons with mellifluous voices, who would tend to draw out syllables for emphasis, perhaps with still other performative techniques. Sylvain Lévi long ago showed how Buddha distanced the chanting of his monks from Vedic chanting by making it different. I think more recent chanting traditions such as Shingon’s shômyô are worth looking into, since a more recent chanting tradition could awaken us to a larger realm of possibilities (see the essay by Eubanks). We might miss out by over-presuming primeval monotones.

Richard Salomon, Indian Epigraphy, Oxford University Press (Oxford 1998).

Eviatar Shulman, “The Play of Formulas in the Early Buddhist Discourses,” Journal of Indian Philosophy, vol. 50 (2022), pp. 557-580.  For an oral presentation with a nearly identical title, delivered at Center for Buddhist Studies (Berkeley, June 2021), go here.

———, “Orality and Creativity in Early Buddhist Discourses: Stock Formulas as an Aspect of the Oral Textual Culture of Early Buddhism,” contained in: Natalie Gummer, ed., The Language of the Sutras,  Mangalam Press (Berkeley 2021), pp. 187-230.

Peter Skilling, “Redaction, Recitation, and Writing: Transmission of the Buddha’s Teaching in India in the Early Period,” contained in: Stephen C. Berkwitz, Juliane Schober and Claudia Brown, eds., Buddhist Manuscript Cultures: Knowledge, Ritual, and Art, Routledge (London 2009), pp. 53-75.

David Snellgrove, Himalayan Pilgrimage: A Study of Tibetan Religion by a Traveller through Western Nepal, Prajñâ Press (Boulder 1981).

Stefano Zacchetti, “Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras,” an entry in Jonathan Silk, ed., Brill’s Encyclopedia of Buddhist Online, about 65 pages in length, available through a subscribing institution. The author’s treatment of intertextual relations and chronology is more up to date than Conze’s, often emphasizing the ”fluid nature” of these scriptures. In the section entitled “The Larger Prajñāpāramitā Subfamily” is an attempt to account for the “endless repetitions” of the Larger Prajñāpāramitās, but also the dynamism of the texts as “breathing living entities.” And he finally spares some words on their “performative nature.” Even more intriguingly for myself, he speaks of a “textual generative principle.” Indeed, we can imagine that to some degree the texts are forming and evolving as part of the recitation practice. Not so much in evidence is the often assumed opposite: the practice being commanded, authorized or sanctified by the text. But of course that’s there, too.


—   —   —


Note: This is a revised version of a presentation given in Hamburg in March 2023. It might be regarded as a preliminary draft of a forthcoming paper, nothing can be certain.

Another note: If news of early birchbark manuscripts preserved in Tibet leaves you in shock or disbelief, two different ones are illustrated in the five-volume set Precious Deposits, Morning Glory Publishers (Beijing 2000), vol. 1, pp. 113-116, 144-145. Both are Sanskrit language and written in an Indic script. A birchbark version of one of the Larger Prajñāpāramitās was found in Gilgit and dated to the 6th or 7th centuries (also in Sanskrit), but it was preserved in what is now Pakistan, not in Tibet. More examples could be given with a little more research.

Still another note: Practically all the Prajñāpāramitā scriptures were translated long ago by Edward Conze. At the moment the 84000 Project is pushing to place in our hands a complete translation of the entire set of them over the next six years. Unlike Conze, they will translate every last word without abridging.  84000 has already put up one work that absolutely bedazzles me — Gareth Sparham’s translation of the gigantic Daṃṣṭrasena (Mche-ba'i-sde) commentary. It covers the Large Prajñāpāramitās, the 100,00, the 25,000, and the 18,000. The reference to the Tibetan version of it is:


And if you are in the New World on April 23, you ought to hear Gareth Sparham’s Zoom presentation entitled A Brief History of, and Introduction to, the Śatasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā (“The Perfection of Wisdom in One Hundred Thousand Lines”). If you are in the Old World, don’t lose any sleep over it, as I imagine they will put it up on Vimeo or YouTube, no worries, just wait for it.



§  §  §


Appendix:

All Three of Lhari Nyenpo’s Eight Elements Compositions Transcribed


Source:  Khams-brgyad Stong-phrag Brgya-pa:  Bonpo Prajñāpāramitā Text revealed by Gshen-chen Klu-dga’, “from a rare manuscript collection from Klu-brag Monastery in Mustang (Nepal),” Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre (Dolanji 1975), in 16 vols., at vol. 1:


[1] gshen rgyal 'bro ba'i bla mar phyag 'tshal lo //


'dir g.yung drung bon gyi bstan pa'i snying po / bde bar gshegs pa'i gsung / theg pa chen po yum gyi don zab mo stong pa nyid dang mngon par rtogs pa lam gyi rim pa bcas brjod byar ston pa'i 'bum 'di nyid rdzogs pa'i sangs rgyas gshen rab mi bo kun las rnam par rgyal ba de nyid kyis phun sum tshogs pa'i gnas brgyad du bzhugs te gsungs pa'i tshul ni zhu 'khor gshen brgyad kyis mchod pa'i rdzas brgyad phul nas / khams chen po brgyad gsungs par gsol ba btab / bka' yi bsdu ba rim pa gnyis su [2] mdzad pa'i dang po gsas khang dkar nag bkra gsal du ston pa sangs rgyas kyis thabs kyi sangs po 'bum khri dang shes rab kyi phul ston pa gshen rab zung du sbrel nas gsung rab rnams rin po che sna lnga'i glegs bam du sbams te rjes bzhag mdzad / 


gnyis pa ni ston pa mya ngan 'das 'og tu bsdu 'khor g.yung drung sems dpa' bcu gsum gyis bsdus te mdzad / de rjes gdung 'tshob ston pa mu cho ldem drug phebs te gsung rab thams cad mdo 'bum rgyud mdzod sde bzhi ru phyes / lha klu mi gsum gyi slob ma bsam gyis mi khyab pa bskyangs / de dag las mchog tu gyur pa 'dzam bu gling gi rgyan du gyur pa drug byung / de rnams [3] kyis skad gnyis shan sbyar nas rang rang gi yul du bsgyur te g.yung drung bon gyi 'khor lo bskor nas sems can bsam gyis mi khyab pa smin grol la bkod do /


gzhan yang gdung 'tshob chen po dang rgyan drug bcas pa'i slob mar gyur pa grub pa'i rig 'dzin lha gshen yongs su dag pa / rgyal gshen mi lus bsam legs / klu grub ye shes snying po dang bcas pas 'bum sde 'di rnams kyi tshig don la rab dbang thob par mdzad cing bzhugs pa de rnams kyi zhabs la gtugs pa'i slob ma rgyal gshen gyi gdung brgyud 'dzin pa'i skyes mchog nam mkha' snang ba mdog can gyis gzhung 'di dag la sgro 'dogs chod par mdzad / bla ma 'di bod [4] rgyal gnya' khri btsan po dang / mu khri btsad po yab sras gnyis kyi mchod gnas su bzhugs / mu khris zhang zhung gi yul nas mkhas la brgya rtsa gdan drangs te bod du bon sde bzhi bcu rtsa lnga btsug / khyad par du bla na med pa'i bon sde rnams bod du dar te / lta ba bla med / theg pa bla med / spyod pa bla med / 'bras bu bla med / don dam bla med rnams so //


de rnams kyi sngon du rgyal po gnya' khri'i dus su bod du dar ba'i rgyu yi bon shes pa can bcu gnyis dang 'di rnams bod rgyal gnam gyi khri rabs bdun pa gri gum gyi bar du dar rgyas su yod cing / rgyal po de'i blo la gdon zhugs nas ru bzhi bod kyi sa skor du rgyu yi bon kha shas ma gtogs [5] pa phal cher bsnubs / de'i dus su rgyal po bka' btsan nas bon gshen rnams bod yul ru bzhi la bzhugs pa'i dbang ma byung ste rang thob kyi bon sde dang bcas bod kyi phyi mthar gshegs dgos pa byung bas / de'i skabs slob dpon stong rgyung mthu chen sogs mkhas pa mi bzhi lho dam sgro nag po zhes lho 'brug gi sa char bstan pa spel bar dgongs te gshegs pas bod kyi mgur lha dang brtan ma sogs ma dgyes te kha bas lam bgags nas gnas su gshegs ma grub pas bon rnams lam bar gyi mtsho rnga'i brag ka ru na sbas so //


phyi nas gshen bstan rin po che dar ba'i dus la babs tshe pan grub [6] gong mas byin gyis brlabs pa'i skyes mchog sprul pa'i sku gshen chen klu dga' de nyid kyis 'brig mtshams mtha' dkar nas gter zhal phyes pa'i bon sde du ma byung zhing / khyad par du khams brgyad gtan la phab pa'i 'bum dum pa bcu drug gi bdag nyid can 'di byung / gter shog las cog la g.yung drung skyid kyis bshus nas gshen chen klu dga' la tshar gcig phul de la BSE GLEG CAN zer / g.yung drung skyid khong rang gi ched du yang tshar gcig bzhengs par 'BUM DMAR grags / khams chen NAG PHRAN MA zhes snag tsha kho nas bris pa gter shog gi bu dpe de da lta'i bar du zhu ri zhing dgon du bzhugs /


[7] gshen gyi gter dpe dngos ni bla ma gshen zhing khams gzhan du gshegs skabs gshen sras rnam gnyis na lon tshe phyir 'bul bar byas te zhu g.yas legs po la bcol bas zhu yi gsung rab rnams dag pa'i khungs kyang byed pa'i srol yod / gter dpe las bshus pa'i dpe gsum tsam 'phel ba rnams rme'u lha ri gnyan pos bsdur nas dag bshar mdzad pa'i bar khyad rnams zin bris su bkod pa zur du yod pa bzhin no //


gzhung 'di yis dngos bstan stong nyid kyi rim pa bstan pa dang sbas don mngon rtogs kyi rim pa bstan par mkhas pa rnams zhal mthun yang / stong nyid ni kha cig gis dbu ma rang [8] rgyud pa'i lta ba bstan pa yin par bzhed / kha cig gis dbu ma thal 'gyur gyi lta ba bstan par bzhed do //


gzhan sde yum don 'chad pa po rnams kyis rdzogs chen yongs rtse'i lta ba la blo ma phyog pas phar phyin gzhung gis rdzogs chen gyi lta ba bstan par mi 'dod mod / rang sde'i yum don 'grel mdzad rnams kyang gzhan gyi zer sgros la ches zhen nas rang gi thun mong ma yin pa'i yum don dang / khyad par du rig pa'i khams nas bstan pa'i rang rig pa'i ye shes 'di ni ma bgos spyi la bzhag pa'i nor bu rin po che'o // zhes pa'i tshig rnams kyis bla med rdzogs pa chen po'i lta ba bstan [9] par ma 'grel bas gzhung don la thag 'gyangs su song ngam snyams //


khams re re'i ched du bya ba'i gdul bya la ltos te khams re res lam gyi rim pa cha tshang du ston pa dang / khams brgyad kyis ched du bya ba'i gdul bya la ltos te khams brgyad kas lam rim cha tshang gcig tu ston pa sogs gdul bya la ltos nas bzhag pa yin par gsungs /


kho na re 'di phar phyin gyi theg pa'i gzhung gi gtso bo yin pas sngags kyi lta ba ston par 'dod pa mi 'thad do zer na / rang lugs kyi mdo 'bum rgyud mdzod rnams kyis gzhi gtan la 'bebs skabs gzhi'i gnas lugs rang [10] byung ye shes tsam gtan la 'beb pa 'dra zhing de'i thabs kyi cha dang lta ba gtan la 'beb tshul lta ba rtogs tshul de nyams su len tshul sogs sgo gzhan mi 'dra ba du ma yod par bzhed /


dper na za 'og gi gzhi sngo shas che zhing de la tshon dang ri mo mi 'dra  ba'i rnam 'gyur ji snyed so so na bkra ba bzhin no zhes gsungs /


gzhung 'dis rdzogs chen gyi lta ba gtan la phab na theg rim 'chol ba'i skyon med de / rdzogs chen gyi lta ba gzhung 'di'i brjod bya'i gtso bo byas nas ma bstan pa'i phyir dang / gong ma'i lta ba g.yar nas bstan pa'i phyir / zhes gsungs // dge'o //


* * *


[11]  khams brgyad kyi phyi mo gtug pa'i dag yig bzhugs /


sgo bzhi mdzod lnga'i bon la phyag 'tshal lo / bla 'bum dpe gsum la gtug pa'i ti ka / BSE KLAG CAN la skye mched kyi gzungs yongs yul du 'dug BLA 'BUM na med / g.yung drung sems dpa'i spyod pa la sogs srid pa'i 'brel la phal cher drug po chad / nag phran ma nas bam po le'u 'ong pa yo na mtshal gyi g.yung drung re yod / rten 'brel regs tshor gnyis chad pa bsab 'dug / BYA BRA MA la snang / srid pa de nas srid len 'byung ba bcos 'dug / yod ces bya ba la spyod na mtshan ma la spyod pa'i 'gres la NAG PHRAN na thar pa'i lam bzhi rnam grangs brkyang nas 'dug / BLA 'BUM na bon thams cad g.yi zhing rtsol spyod pa'i 'gres na stobs kyi bla med chad / NAG PHRAN MA nas snying rjer [12] song / 'khor 'gres tha ma rga shir thal / rga shi mnyam pa thugs rjes byin gyis brlabs / ye ma byung ma skyes skye ba med pa'i 'gres la mya ngan las 'das pa ma / NAG PHRAN la skye med gdod de bzhin nyid bya ba'i rkyang pa re yod / BLA 'BUM dang BSE KLAG CAN la med / khams brgyad kyi don mya ngan las 'das pa'i don 'dres tshar brgyad skyel ba dang / BSE KLAG CAN la dbyings sngon la 'ong / rig pa'i phyi na 'dug / BLA 'BUM na ma 'khrug skye ba med na rgyun khams kyi 'gres na mya ngan las 'das pa lnga lnga las med / BLA 'BUM la 'du byed dang lus kyi 'dus te regs pa BYA BRA MA la med / ma srid pa'i srid pa'i 'gres la / BLA 'BUM la thar pa'i lam brgyad kyang med BYA BRA MA la yod / [13] snang ba rin po che gshen gyi smon lam mi mgon rgyal po man chad med / sems dpa' gnyis brtsegs su yod / mtha' las 'das pa'i 'dres kyi mya ngan las 'das pa gnyis la chad / chen po stong pa'i 'gres la sogs pa'i lnga lnga chad do //


dngos po med pa'i ngo bo nyid stong pa'i 'gres la BYA BRA MA la lce yi rnam par shes pa'ang chad / BLA 'BUM na yod rin po che yi 'gres la rgyun bzhugs yod / tshul khrims kyi le'u la ma rtog pa'i dbang gi zer / BLA 'BUM la ri rab kyi rtse nas kun 'debs pa la song pa'i dgu po chad / BYA BRA MA la yod / BYA BRA MA la gsad pa'i nang nas thu ba sems gsad pa tshar nas bzod par song / tshul khrims kyi 'gres bu thung chad / snang khams yo la rgyun bzhugs yod / [14] rnam dag 'gres la spyan gyi 'dabs par bya na 'dug / rnam par mi rtog pa'i khrus la chen po stong pa dang dam pa stong pa gnyis chad / BYA BRA MA la yod /


stong pa'i 'gres la chad med yod / de bzhin nyid kyi snying po sgom pa la BLA 'BUM las dris tshigs med / ma 'ong mi 'gro 'gres la rang bzhin med pa stong pa nyid chad / BLA BRA MA la yod /nga rgyal gyi 'gres la mtshan ma med pa la 'jug la chad / BLA 'BUM la yod / rig pa'i khams la yang dag par rig pa'i khams la yod / dbyings khams kyi mu med pa sangs rgyas kyi 'gres la rnam par shes pa'i khams gcig yod / de yi thams cad BLA 'BUM la dngos po yod pa bsad gda' / de nas yang bsos nas 'dug / mnyam pa'i 'gres la 'khor ba dang mya ngan bya ba'i 'gres la thams cad phyed [15] zhes bya ba med pa'i 'gres la bla na med par phyin pa drug las med / BYA BRA MA la stong nyid bco brgyad tshar gcig la phyi mnyam pa nyid dang / nang mnyam pa nyid la sogs zer ro //  phyi nang stong pa nyid la khyab pa chen po'i mnyam pa nyid dang zer ro //  BLA 'BUM la stong pa rang du 'dug / stong pa nyid stong pa nyid khyab pa chen po'i mnyam pa nyid zer ro //  mnyam pa nyid la phal cher du bla med drug 'dug / 'gres pa med / 'gres yo tshang / mnyam pa'i khams la 'du shes 'du byed gral nor yod / tha ma bcos pa'i le'u la bon nyid mi 'gyur ba'i le'u zer / 


bon thams cad phyi nang gnyis su med par don la lhun gyis grub pa yan chad {KA} pa / [bam po bcu dgu pa'o /]  


srid pa rdzogs pa {KHA} pa [bam po nyi shu rtsa gcig] [16] 


nor bu rin po che mchod par byed pa yongs su mchod par byed pa yan chad {GA} pa / [bam po nyi shu /]


rin chen rdzogs pa {NGA} pa / [bam po nyi shu rtsa drug]


snang ba shes rab rdzogs pa / {CA} pa / [bam po nyi shu rtsa bzhi /]


snang ba rdzogs po {CHA} pa / [bam po nyi shu rtsa drug /]


stong pa'i dbang po rdzogs pa / {JA} pa / [bam po nyi rtsa bzhi]


stong pa rdzogs pa / {NYA} pa / [bam po nyi shu rtsa gnyis /]


so so zhe sdang gi ngo bo / {TA} pa / [bam po nyi shu rtsa gcig /]


so so rdzogs pa / {THA} pa / [bam po bcu dgu pa'o //]


rig pa'i zhus pa / bla na med pa yang dag par rdzogs pa / ci yang 'gyur ba yan lag / {DA} [bam po nyi shu rtsa gnyis /]


'byams yas pa'i mdor rdzogs pa / {NA} [bam po nyi shu pa'o]


ye shes kyi 'bras bu thob pa la sogs pa / {LA} [bam po nyi shu rtsa gsum pa'o /}


dbyings rdzogs pa / {PHA} [bam po nyi shu rtsa gsum pa'o /]


ngang dang rang bzhin gsum gyi [17] stong pa nyid las bcad pa / {BA} [bam po nyi shu rtsa drug]


mnyam pa rdzogs pa / {MA} [bam po nyi shu rtsa lnga pa'o /]


khams chen po brgyad la / le'u brgyad cu gya gnyis / bam po sum brgya drug cu / glegs bam bcu drug du brdeb pa'i spyi don mdor bsdus pa'o / sprul sku lha ri gnyen pos phyi rabs don du mdzad pa 'dis kyang / rgyal ba'i bstan pa phyogs thams cad 'phel zhing rgyas par 'gro don dpag med 'grub par shog / bkra shis zhal dro byin che'o //  //


* * *


[19]  khams brgyad kyi zhu thig rnam dbye grangs su bkod pa bzhug //


gshen rgyal zhabs la phyag 'tshal lo //


sprul sku lha la skyabs su mchi //  


[mchan:  'khor ba mtha' yas pas phyag tu phul lo / ring ba'i rgyu ni sngon gyi sprul sku ste nye ba'i rgyu ni khro tshangs pa'i sprul sku'o //]


khams brgyad gtan la phabs pa'i 'bum /  spyi dang khams gnas yul / zhu ba zhu don gzhi rtse gling / le'u bam po la 'dris rgya / ming tshig shad sdom stong phrag grangs / ston pa yon tan ma lus rdzogs / sku yi che ba nyer gcig dang /


[mchan: bya ba byed pa byas pa sogs 'gro ba sems can gyi don mthar phyin par mdzad pa'i slad du spyi bo'i gtsug nas zhabs kyi mthil du ma yan chad du'o / khyab pa chen po ston pa'i rang bzhin du mkhyen pa'i sogs / zer stong phrag grangs med pa ye shes sems dpa' rigs dur 'khor /]


'od zer 'bum phrag grangs med spros / mkhyen pa'i ye shes drug bcur lan / srid pa rin chen rgyun snang ba stong pa so sor rig pa dang / dbyings nyid


[mchan: srid skal snang stong pa rig dbyings mnyams khams ces so /]


[20] mnyam pa'i khams brgyad do //


yul ni ri rgyal lhun po'i gnas / 


[mchan: phyi ltar shel gyi rdo ring gi rtse nang ltar ston pa'i sku la thug /]


rin chen grangs ma spungs pa'i gling /


[mchan:  phyi ltar klu yi pho brang nang ltar ston pa'i thugs dgongs 'dod kun 'byung ba'o /]


g.yung drung gsal ba 'od kyi gling /


[mchan:  phyi ltar chu mig brgyad cu rtsa gnyis 'go bo nang ltar thugs nyid gsal ba'o /]


bar ti mun pa g.yung drung gling /


[mchan:  phyi ltar mun pa'i gling nang ltar 'gro ba'i ma rig blo /]


mun ming khyud mtsho mu yang gling /


[mchan:  phyi ltar rol mtsho nang ltar thugs nyid rgya mtsho'i klong lta bu'o /]


dar dkar gur 'og rgya mtsho'i gling /


[mchan:  phyi ltar klu yul nang ltar thugs nyid rnam par dag pa /]


'phel 'grib med pa g.yung khyim bdun / 


[mchan:  phyi ltar mu khyud 'dzin gyi rtse ltag nang ltar dgongs pa 'phel 'grib med pa /]


rin chen 'phrul snang gzhal yas brgyad /


[mchan:  phyi ltar nam mkha' snang srid tha mi dad pa'i gzhal yas nang ltar thugs nyid mnyam pa'i ngang /]


[21] zhu ba drang don du zhu ba po brgyad la bon mi 'dra ba brgyad gsungs kyang don gcig go /


YID KYI KHYE'U CHUNG dang / [mchan:  ser po bzhi bkur hos ru bsnams pa /]


GTO BU 'BUM SANGS / [mchan: dkar po chag shing bum pa 'dzin pa /]


GSAL BA 'OD LDAN / med khams stong pa [mchan: mthing ga me tog bsnams pa /]


rje TSHANGS PA GTSUG PHUD / [mchan: dkar ljang u dum 'bar ba'i me tog 'dzin pa /]


KLU MO MA MA [mchan:  dkar ljang sbrul gdeng chu skyes /]


GTSUG GSHEN RGYAL / [mchan: dkar ser g.yung drung skos shing /]


'PHRUL BON GSANG BA DANG RING gis / [mchan:  sngo dmar rgyal mtshan nor bu /]


zhu don [mchan: dkar po 'khor lo sa le sgron me dang 'phrul gyi {{Note:  The following text seems misplaced, and is enclosed in brackets in the original:  KA dum KHA dum gnyis srid khams gtan la phab /}} yi ge yang zer bsnams pa /] skyes med gdos dag pa / 


rin chen rgyun 'byung 'gag pa med / {{GA dum NGA dum rgyun khams}} 


tshad med stong mthar lhung ba med / [CA dum CHA dum gnyis stong khams /]  


mtshan med dngos por 'byung ba med / [22] [JA dum NYA dum gnyis med khams /]  


yongs su bkag med sgrib pa med / [TA dum THA dum gnyis so so yi khams /] 


cir yang ma grub dmigs pa med / [Da dum NA dum gnyis pa'i khams /]


kha gting dpag med g.yo rtsol med / [BA dum PHA dum gnyis dbyings kyi khams /]


ma bcos mnyam bzhag thig le gcig / [BA dum MA dum gnyis mnyam pa'i khams /]


gzhi rtsa 'khor 'das bdag nyid do / ['khor 'das kyi bon thams cad bdag nyid la 'dus par bstan /]


'khor 'gres bzhi bcu zhe drug nges / [mchan:  rnam par shes pa'i khams dang zhe bdun mngon /]


myang 'das 'bres la grangs med 'gres / [res mang res nyung du byung /] nga bcu nga bzhi drug cu'i bar / lan gcig phyir 'ong 'bras bu nas / g.yung khams yan lag rim gyi bsnon / [rim gyis snon te bsnon lugs ni /] lan gcig phyir 'ong rgyun zhugs khams / [ma 'gag pa'i rgyun de rin po che rgyun gyi khams dang mthun /] 


[23] rgyun zhugs 'bras bu snang ba'i khams / [rgyun khams du snang yod pas snang ba'i khams dang mthun /] tshad med bzhi ni stong pa'i khams / [tshad med bzhi las 'das pas stong pa'i khams dang mthun /] g.yung drung bon phye ba ma 'dres dgu / [ma 'dres pa so so'i khams dang mthun /] so sor gsal rig pa'i khams / yang dag rig pa'i khams / [yang dag rig pa rig pa'i khams dang mthun /] g.yung drung yan lag dgu dbyings khams / [g.yung drung gi yan lag dbyings khams dang mthun /] spyir sdom brgya dang rtsa drug la / ['khor 'das gnyis ka'i grangs /] g.yung drung yan lag grangs 'gres med / [grangs dang 'gres rkang la med bsnan pa'o /] gleng bslang zhus dang / [zhu ba so so'i so /] bgol ba dang / [klu mo sogs kyi bkol /] lan gnyis bka' rtsal lung bstan to / [zhus pa'i lan dang ma zhus pa ltar bshad kyi nyon cig gsungs so /]


I.


[24] le'u srid pa'i khams la brgyad / [dkyus kyi tshig 'bum rtsar shes te grangs nges so /] [srid pa'i lo rgyus dang po 'o /] 


gling bzhi sems spyod zab mo dang / [mo la 'jug pa'i le'u ste gnyis pa'o / 'jug pa'i le'u ste /] 


mtshan ma [gsum nas lnga bar chad 'di med do /] 'khrul rtog so so'i rjes ma rtogs / gnyis su med pa'i don lhun [bar bstan pa'i le'u ste lnga pa'o /] grub / 


khams brgyad kyi rgyu bstan pa dang / [drug pa'o /]


'khor ba'i rgyu dang / [bdun pa /]


myang 'das rgyu / [brgyad pa /]


ci la 'byung bar bstan pa'o / ['di rnams mthun par krig gi yod /]


II.


rin chen rgyun khams le'u brgyad ni /


srid pa'i [dgu pa]

skal pa [bcu pa]

snang ba [bcu gcig]

stong [bcu gnyis] /

so sor [bcu gsum]

rig pa [bcu bzhi]

g.yung drung dbyings /

mnyam pa rin po che [bco lnga] nyid do //


III.


snang ba'i khams la le'u bcu bzhi / 


yod med mya ngan las 'das pa dang / mi dmigs ngang la mi 'gyur gnas / sbyin pa btang [25] yod tshul khrims srung / bzod pa brtson 'grus stobs bskyed dang / snying rje smon lam thabs bsgrub pa / shes rab sems nyid rnam dag sil / don drug 'brel ba rnam dag go / 


IV.


stong pa'i khams la le'u bcu ste / 


rgyu ma lta bu byar med dang / g.yo ba med dang bla med dang / zag med shes rab phung po dang / thams cad mkhyen pa'i ye shes 'bras / stong pa'i dran la phyir 'ong dang / rtogs med mi dmigs stong nyid dang / de bzhin nyid bsgom stong nyid dang / rnam grangs nges don gsal ba dang / rang bzhin med par bstan pa'o //


V.


so so'i khams la le'u bdun ste /


bden pa so sor bstan pa dang / 'khor 'das so so'i dge sdig dang / dug dang ye shes so so dang / tshul khrims srung nyams so so dang / dge ba bsngos pa'i 'bras bu'o //


VI.


rig pa'i khams le'u brgyad do /


rig pa kun sbyangs kyi ngo mtshar dang / ting 'dzin zab mo'i rigs ye shes / klu mos zhus dang rig spyod 'das / rig pa sa non le'u brgyad do //


VII.


dbyings khams le'u bcu gsum ste / 


ye shes 'bras bu thob par bstan / mu med 'byams yas rgya ma chad / kha gting dpag med dgos pa med / gdal pa chen po zad med dang / 'gyur med ngang nyid mtshan dpe bstan /


VIII.


mnyam pa'i khams la le'u bcu bzhi /


mnyam pa nyid kyi don bstan dang / gsal la rang bzhin med 'bras bu / dmigs med pa la bskyed dang / rtogs dkar thun mong min pa dang / rgyu 'bras mnyam pa'i don 'dus dang / mnyam pa'i don rdzogs bcos med dang / ba ga'i klong du ye shes rdzogs / stong nyid ye shes me long dang / bya ba nan tan [27] sor rtogs mnyam / ma bcos thig le gcig la bzhag //


sdom pas le'u brgya bcu gnyis (i.e., brgyad cu gnyis) / bam po srid khams zhe gcig ste / rin chen rgyun khams zhe brgyad de / yod pa'i khams la bzi bcu bdun / med pa'i khams la zhe gsum mo / so so'i khams la so dgu dang / rig pa'i khams la bzhi bcu gcig / dbyings kyi khams la lnga bcu tham / mnyam khams lnga bcu rtsa gcig ste /


de ltar sum brgya drug cu'o //


ma 'dres yan lag stong rtsa brgyad / bka' rtags phyag rgya stong rtsa'o //  yi ge 'dus pa la ming byung / ming 'dus pa la tshig byung / tshig 'dus pa la shad byung / tshig bar bcu gcig shad bar gcig / shad bar bzhi la sdom tshig gcig / sdom tshig sum brgya bam po ste / sdom tshig stong phrag brgya 'bum mo //  [28] khams brgyad zhun thig rnam dbye'i grangs / sprul sku lha [gur zhog pa] yis bkod pa tshar / slig tso / bkra shis //


* * *


Following are  a few especially relevant sections of the Khams-brgyad text proper, including its lists of sangsaric and nirvanic böns, with added numbers that allow us to give their sum total as 108, a very auspicious number:


[1] khams brgyad gtan la phab pa stong phrag brgya pa las / dum bu dang po bzhugs //


[2] zhang zhung skad du /


[3] gu ge 'phyo smi sad wer rangs / mu ye zhi la prong tse nan //  // 'phyo sang sang ste e ma ho // // bod skad du 'phrul gyi yi ge sum cus man ngag gi don bstan [4] [5] pa'i khams brgyad gtan la phab pa stong phrag brgya pa las srid pa'i gleng gzhi / tshig gi rtse mo don gyis gcod / dum bu thog ma // bam po dang po // le'u gong ma'o /


[6] 'di skad bdag gis thos pa'i dus gcig na / ston pa gshen rab mi bo ni / ri rgyal lhun po'i pho brang 'od kyi lha ri spos mthon gyi rtse mo na  'khor gshen 'phran lnga stong lnga brgya yis bskor nas / thabs gcig tu bzhugs te / 'dab chags rgyal po / bya ba byed pa byed pa byas pa /  gsung lhang lhang snyan par sgrogs [7] pa / rig pa gsal ba / stobs dang ldan pa / rmad du byung ba don dang mi snyel ba'i gzungs dang ldan pa / so so'i sgo gang las ma sgribs / zag pa zad pa / nyon mongs pa med pa  / ting nge 'dzin rab tu gsal ba / sems shin tu rnam par grol ba / thugs rje che ba thabs mkhas pa / gto che ba dpyad ring ba / mtshan dang [8] ldan pa dpe' yongs su 'tshogs pa / bka' rgya che ba / lung grangs mang ba / man ngag mdo sdus pa rnam pa thams cad cir kyang mkhyen pa bla na med pa yang dag pa'i don gtan la phebs pa'i / gshen rab chen po des / 'gro ba sems can gyi don mthar phyin par mdzad pa'i slad du / thugs las 'od zer 'bum phrag grangs med pa yongs su spros shing bkye'o  / sku dbu'i gtsug rum nas kyang 'od zer bye ba stong phrag drug cu drug cu byung ngo / sku dpral ba'i dbyings rum nas kyang / 'od zer bye ba stong phrag drug cu drug cu byung ngo / 


sku ltag pa'i rgyas rum nas kyang 'od [9] zer bye ba stong phrag drug cu drug cu  byung ngo /


sku spyan mig g.yas g.yon las kyang 'od zer bye ba stong phrag drug ...



[16] zhi ba'i bdag nyid can zhes bya ba mkhyen pa'i ye shes drug bcu rtsa gcig dang ldan pa ...


[41.2]  bam po dang po.


[83.7]  de nas yid kyi khye'u chung gis gsol ba / ston pa lags / bon thams cad yongs su bdag nyid la ji ltar 'dus lags / gshen rab kyi bka' btsal ba / bon thams cad yongs su bdag nyid la 'dus pa ni / 'khor ba'i bon kun nas nyon mongs pa dang / mya ngan las [84] 'das pa'i bon rnam par byang ba dang gnyis so //


de gang zhe na /

[phung po lnga]

1. gzugs dang /

2. tshor ba dang /

3. 'du shes ba dang /

4. 'du byed ba dang /

5. rnam par shes pa ba dang /


[khams bco brgyad]

6. mig dang ba dang /

7. gzugs dang /

8. rna ba dang /

9. sgra dang /

10. sna dang /

11. dri dang /

12. lce dang /

13. ro dang /

14. lus dang /

15. reg dang /

16. yid dang /

17. bon dang /


[here Tre-ston has skye mched bcu gnyis]

18. mig gi rnam par shes pa dang /

19. rna ba'i rnam par shes pa dang /

20. sna'i rnam par shes pa dang /

21. lce'i rnam par shes pa dang /

22. lus kyi rnam par shes pa dang /

23. yid kyi rnam par shes pa dang /


[rkyen tshor drug]

24. mig gi 'dus te reg par shes pa rkyen gyi tshor ba dang /

25. rna'i 'dus te reg par shes pa rkyen gyi tshor ba dang /

26. sna'i 'dus te reg par shes pa rkyen gyi tshor ba dang /

27. lce'i 'dus te reg par shes pa rkyen gyi tshor ba dang /

28. lus kyis 'dus te reg par shes pa rkyen gyi tshor ba dang /

29. yid kyi 'dus te reg par shes pa rkyen gyi tshor ba dang /


['byung khams lnga]

30. rlung gis khams dang /

31. me'i khams dang /

32. chu'i khams dang /

33. sa'i khams dang /

34. nam mkha'i khams dang /

35. rnam par shes pa'i khams dang /


[rten 'brel bcu gnyis]

36. ma rig pa dang /

37. 'du byed dang /

38. rnam par shes pa dang /

39. ming dang /

40. gzugs dang /

41. skye mched drug dang /

42. reg pa dang /

43. tshor ba dang /

44. sred pa dang /

45. len pa dang /

46. srid pa dang /

47. skye ba dang /

48. rga shi dang /


la sogs pa ni 'khor ba'i bon te / kun nas nyon mongs pa'o //


1. sbyin pa'i bla na med par phyin pa dang /

2. tshul khrims kyis bla na med par phyin pa dang /

3. bzod pa'i bla na med par phyin pa dang /

4. brtson 'grus kyis bla na med par phyin pa dang /

5. bsam gtan gyi bla na med par phyin pa dang /

6. stobs kyis bla na med par phyin pa dang /

7. snying rje'i bla na med par phyin pa dang /

8. smon lam gyis bla na med par phyin pa dang /

9. thabs kyis bla na med par phyin pa dang /

10. [85] shes rab kyi bla na med par phyin pa dang /


11. phyi stong pa nyid dang /

12. nang stong pa nyid dang /

13. phyi nang stong pa nyid dang /

14. 'dus byas stong pa nyid dang /

15. 'dus ma bhas stong pa nyid dang /

16. mtha' las 'das pa stong pa nyid dang /

17. mi dmigs pa stong pa nyid dang /

18. chen po stong pa nyid dang /

19. don dam pa stong pa nyid dang /

20. rang bzhin stong pa nyid dang /

21. rang bzhin med pa stong pa nyid dang /

22. rang gi mtshan nyid stong pa nyid dang /

23. thog ma dang tha ma med pa stong pa nyid dang /

24. dor ba med pa stong pa nyid dang /

25. dngos po med pa stong pa nyid dang /

26. dngos po med pa'i ngo bo nyid stong pa nyid dang /

27. bon thams cad stong pa nyid dang /

28. stong pa nyid stong pa nyid dang /


29. dran pa nye bar bzhag pa bzhi dang /


30. yang dag par spongs pa bzhi dang /


31. rdzu 'phrul gyi rkang pa bzhi dang /


32. dbang po rnams dang /


33.   xxx xxx rnams dang /


34. gshen rab kyi lam bzhi dang /


35. mi 'jigs pa'i stobs rnams dang /


36. thar pa'i lam brgyad dang /


['bras bu gsum]

37. phyir mi ldog pa'i 'bras bu dang /

38. lan cig phyir 'ong pa'i 'bras bu dang /

39. rgyun du zhugs pa'i 'bras bu dang /


40. tshad med pa bzhi dang /


41. g.yung drung gis bon phye ba med pa las ma 'dres pa dgu dang /


42. yang dag par rig pa nyid dang /


43. g.yung drung shes pa'i yan lag dgu dang /


44. gshen rab kyi bden pa dang /


45. so so yang dag pa'i rig pa bzhi dang /


46. mi bsnyel ba'i gzungs dang /


47. mthar gyis snyoms par 'dzug pa dgu dang /


48. mtshan ma med pa la snyoms par 'jug pa bzhi dang /


49. rgyun du bzhugs pa'i thugs rje bzhi dang /


['bras bu'i rtags bcu gcig]

50. rtogs pa chen po'i lta ba dang /

51. bsrungs du med pa'i dam tshig dang /

52. lhun gyis grub pa'i phrin las dang /

53. rnam par dag pa'i spyod pa dang /

54. legs par 'byung ba'i yon tan dang / [86]

55. snyoms par gnas pa'i ngang nyid dang /


56. 'gyur ba med pa'i sku dang /

57. rang bzhin med pa'i gsung dang /

58. mnyam nyid 'khrul ba med pa'i thugs dang / 


59. rnam pa thams cad mkhyen pa'i ye shes dang /

60. bla na med par yang dag par rdzogs pa'i 'bras bu.


la sogs pa ni mya ngan las 'das pa'i bon te / rnam par byang ba'o //  //



 
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