Seven Women, a Unique Padampa Text from Bhutan

Guru Rinpoche, with Nyangrel and so on
(see below) HAR 160.

 

• I’ve written before about how there were in the 11th-12th centuries, several popular Buddhist movements that virtually disappeared from history, yet may have had some impact. Led by laypeople, including laywomen, their memory has survived in what amounts to little more than lists, lists that represent different ways of grouping them. Despite or because of the fact that their Buddhist orthodoxy was and still could be framed in different ways, they become all the more important for historians in our contemporary world. I mean in particular historians who need to factor them into some broader understanding of the emergence of the Buddhist schools or sects that were at that very time beginning to take shape and eventually gaining broader social recognition.  And they demonstrate that women could indeed achieve leadership roles in those times.

   

While in Rome last winter, one of the Tucci Collection’s Tibetan texts seized my attention more than any other. It contained Guru Rinpoche Padmasambhava’s individual teachings to seven different women.* It took me some time before I remembered that I had already encountered another text that similarly contained answers to questions asked by a set of seven women. Only in that case it was not Padmasambhava, but Padampa in the role of Teacher. It looks as if this Padampa work uniquely survives in two sets of Cutting and Zhijé teachings transmitted by Drubtob Ngödrub (Grub-thob-dngos-grub) to Nyangrel Nyima Özer and preserved in manuscripts kept at Tsakaling and Drametsé in Bhutan. Knowing that the two persons just named are the very same ones commonly awarded the lion’s share of responsibility for revealing the Mani Kambum, we might expect to find a thing or two in common.**

(*I talked about this Tucci manuscript and its parallel in Mani Kambum in a very recent blog entry, “Seven Women: The Padmasambhava Text from Rome.” **A parallel passage was found by simply searching for "bu khyo" in BUDA etext repository, nothing more mysterious than that.  Bu khyo means ‘child[ren] & husband[s].’)

The two seven-fold sets of Tibetan women have no members in common, as you may observe in this chart allowing you to compare their names with ease and to observe the total mismatch. Well, one thing that does match, and I believe this is significant, is the sevenness of the women.

Chart for comparing the names of the seven women in
the Padampa and the Padmasambhava texts

As I said, there are two existing manuscripts of the Padampa Seven Women text. Neither has been published in any form to the best of my knowledge, although both have been posted on the world-wide web (the specific titles were not cataloged or otherwise listed there, and for that reason are not accessible through any internet search tool; I've listed those titles below in Appendices A & B). Both were preserved in the eastern half of Bhutan, one in the Nyingma monastery of Drametsé, the other in Tsakaling. Here is the one from Drametsé:

The Drametsé manuscript. Full transcription appended below

The Drametsé colophon you see here below belongs to the text that comes immediately before the one on the women. 

I put it on display here because it states clearly the names of those two Buddhist masters traditionally known for revealing the Mani Kambum, but also because it says its scribing took place at the main site of Nyangrel’s activity in his later life, Mabochok ( སྨྲ་བོ་ཅོག ). I suppose this information ought to apply to all the texts in the set. As I said, complete title outlines for both of the Bhutan collections are appended below for the sake of Tibetan readers curious about what else may be found in them. Also, the seven women texts from both the Drametsé and Tsakaling manuscripts have been typed in Roman transcription below. I placed them in adjacent paragraphs for ease of comparison. I haven’t managed to supply full English translations, and I apologize for that. I hope to return to this task another time. In the meantime, feel free to try your hand at it. Or, if you believe it will return a good enough result, try the automated translation service of Dharmamitra.

Right now I will limit myself to the second of the seven women, Gyatingma, the most interesting and useful figure for making some significant points. Her name, meaning ‘China Blue,’ is listed among all the groupings of leaders of popular movements active in Tibet during the post-imperial pre-Mongol era. This lends her a special significance, even if she is scarcely traceable in the literature otherwise (try conducting a BUDA etext search for her if you like). And, as we’ll show, the teachings given to her by Padampa in this early text do indeed closely echo teachings attributed to those popular movements in subsequent polemics. Here is the passage, translated with the help of both Bhutanese manuscripts (I added underlining for emphasis):

To Zhangmo Gyatingma he said, “The view is free of expectations. Free yourself of the bondage of your thoughts. Meditate, but do it without any mental focus. Don’t settle your attention on a mental object. The conduct is free of lust and compulsion. Perform crazy actions, and abandon the social mind. The goal means to have no connection between thoughts and things. Recognize sangsara as a label, act without anxiety over outcomes, while rightly dividing thoughts and things. Persist in your Dharma practice and regardless of being a woman don’t get lost in the dharma, you need to divorce from desire and thoughts. When you become a yogini you need to do without ordinary friends. To create a rift with sangsara, you need to leave children behind and leave. A warrior woman entering the occupied zone must have cut loose all modesty and shame. If she does so, Gyatingma will become a sterling yogini.”

The most pertinent thing to observe about this passage, for present purposes, is the idea to entirely separate thoughts and things. This passage could have really served as the reference point for the 13th-century polemical passage from the Single Intention. Two of the Four Children of Pehar were women, and notice that it attributes the “disconnection of thoughts with things” idea not to Gyatingma, but to the other woman, Gyacham. We may accept that this is a simple confusion of identities, as we are so used to such switching of identities of women in these early centuries. Simply put, the Padampa Seven Women text is very likely a source for the polemic. It’s the only possible source I know of.

•

If you are interested in the broader question of popular lay Buddhist movements in pre-Mongol era Tibet, I have a few essays I could recommend. I cannot cover all of that now, so give this chart a quick look:

 

 

By tossing my various sources together I deliberately made the chart look messy hoping to reflect the uncertainty we face in dealing with such an under-documented phenomenon. I admittedly tend toward accepting the categorizations of Nyangrel, as his is the only somehow sympathetic source. Each in its own way, all the others place them outside the pale of Buddhist orthodoxy. Well, our Seven Women text, in the case of only one of the Four Children of Pehar, gives support to his positive valuation, and this may not be unexpected, knowing that all the Seven Women texts were in some way produced or transmitted by him and his circles.

Here is a translation of the passage on the Four Children of Pehar from the Single Intention:

There were four people captured by spirits by the names Shel-mo Rgya-lcam, Zhang-mo Rgya-'thing, 'O-lam Bha-ru and Bso Kha-'tham. Each of these four had their own particular philosophical claims.

The first believed that thoughts and objects are not interconnected. When Shel-mo’s husband was killed by another man, she felt great grief but did not want to weep in front of others. So she went to a cave with people carrying tsha-tsha and remained there for a long time crying. When she got exhausted, Pe-kar came from the sky and said to her,

“Do not cry. There is absolutely no connection between your thoughts and external objects. If there were, since you cry thinking about your husband, he ought to return to you as before; you cried and called out, but still no husband.”

Hearing these words, she thought about them and decided they were true. She went into a meeting at the lower end of that same valley, where a teacher was explaining Dharma to five hundred students and started dancing.

“Thoughts and things have no connection. 

The very idea must be rejected—

by teacher, student and teaching three—

that they are the least bit interconnected.”

she said as she danced, and everyone, teacher and students included, got up and started dancing all at once. They became her followers, calling the cave where she had stayed Prophecy Relic Cave.

Now I fully realize that the identities of the two women among the Four Children have been exchanged, and the teaching about thoughts and things having no connection is ascribed first to one and then the other. We just have to learn to live with this kind of problem. It’s something we see quite often in accounts of Tibetan women, the confusion between Zhama and Labdrön being only the best-known example (see Lo Bue’s essay), and these are by far the two most prominent women religious leaders of the time.

It would make sense, as much as it might seem unnecessary, to underline that what we have here are very significant early documents for women’s studies that have so far been unknown or unrecognized.* This neglect is not at all surprising, since their manuscripts have never been edited or published in ways that would have made them accessible to researchers. That’s no longer true, as of today.

(*Of course they were well hidden in monastic collections in eastern Bhutan with very limited access, and Karma Phuntso deserves the lion’s share of the credit for bringing these rare and precious texts out of their retirement.)

A lot of issues are tugging at us from the peripheries but we ought to overlook them and finish up for now. My main aim has been to point out the various “Seven Women” texts as a type of small sub-genre of early Tibetan literature. I have and will put the material out there for further study as it has significance for future histories of women and popular religious movements. I haven’t “mastered” it or analyzed it in detail, I leave the main part of that for others. 

I believe I’ve been able, in recent blogs, to demonstrate previously undetected textual relations between the Nyingma and Zhijé schools in the 12th century, and more specifically relations implicating the revealers of the Mani Kambum. I’ve suggested a few lines of research that might prove worthwhile to pursue, avenues that with luck will see their way clear to brighten our shared Tibeto-logical future of burgeoning knowledge and personal fulfillment for all...

and to all a good night.

Suggested reading

Cathy Cantwell, “Myang ral Nyi ma ’od zer (1134-1192): Authority and Authorship in the Coalescing of the rNying ma Tantric Tradition,” Medieval Worlds, vol. 12 (2020), pp. 68-79.

Daniel Hirshberg, Remembering the Lotus Born: Padmasambhava in the History of Tibet’s Golden Age, Wisdom (Somerville 2016). If you are too pressed for time to read entire books, read Cantwell’s essay or Hirshberg’s own “Nyangrel Nyima Wozer” in Treasury of Lives website.

Erberto Lo Bue, “A Case of Mistaken Identity: Ma-gcig Labs-sgron and Ma-gcig Zha-ma,” contained in: Per Kvaerne, ed., Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 6th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Fagernes 1992, The Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture (Oslo 1994), pp. 481-490. Look here if you need a good example of women’s identities getting mixed around.

Dan Martin, “Lay Religious Movements in Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Tibet: A Survey of Sources,” Kailash (Kathmandu), vol. 18 (1996), pp. 23-55.

——, “The Star King and the Four Children of Pehar: Popular Religious Movements of Eleventh- to Twelfth-century Tibet,” Acta Orientalia Hungarica (Budapest), vol. 49, pts. 1-2 (1996), pp. 171-195.

Nyangrel’s History:  Nyang Nyi-ma-’od-zer, Chos-’byung Me-tog Snying-po Sbrang-rtsi’i Bcud, Gangs-can Rig-mdzod series no. 5, Bod-ljongs Mi-dmangs Dpe-skrun-khang (Lhasa 1988). TBRC no. W7972. 

Here is the passage relevant to China Blue at p. 494:

དུས་དེ་ཙ་ན་ཟར་སྟག་སྣའི་ཞང་པོ་རྒྱ་འཐིང་ལས་རྣལ་འབྱོར་སྨྱོན་ཚོ་དང་། རྩི་རིའི་འོ་ལ་འབའ་སུ་ལས་རྣལ་འབྱོར་བྱར་མེད་དང་། རུ་མཚམས་ཀྱི་རྒྱལ་བ་སྲོ་ཁ་འཐམས་ལས་མེ་ཆུ་གོ་ལོག་པ་དང་། དབུས་ཀྱི་ཤེ་མོ་རྒྱ་ལྕམ་ལས། གློང་ནག་པོ་རྒྱ་འཛམ།〔དེ་〕ལ་འཕུར་ཚོ་ཞེས་ཟེར་ཏེ། ཤངས་ཀྱི་རྣལ་འབྱོར་སྟག་ཚོ་དང་། རྫི་ལུང་གི་མགོས་ཚོས་ཁ་བསྐངས་པ་འདི་རྣམས་ལ། རྣལ་འབྱོར་ནག་པོ་དྲུག་ཟེར། ཁོང་རང་གིས་སྒྲུབ་བརྒྱུད་བཟང་པོར་བྱེད། ལོ་པཎ་གྱི་རྗེས་སུ་འབྲེང་བ་རྣམས་ནི་ཁོང་གི་དེ་རྣམས་རྡོལ་ཆོས་སུ་བྱེད། གཞན་ཡང་བོད་ཡུལ་འདིར་མཁས་པ། བཟང་བ། གྲུབ་ཐོབ། འཁྲུལ་ཞིག རྟོགས་ལྡན་ཇི་སྙེད་བྱོན་ན་ཡང་། རྣམ་ཐར་རྣམས་བྲིས་ན་སྤྲོ་བ་སྐྱེ་བར་འགྱུར་མོད་ཀྱི། བསམ་གྱིས་མི་ཁྱབ་པས་འདིར་སྤྲོས་ན་ཡི་གེ་མང་བར་འཇིགས་པས་མ་བྲིས་སོ། བསྟན་པ་ཕྱི་དར་གྱི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ཞབས་སུ་བཏགས་པའོ།།

• I lament — and apologize for — the momentary unavailability of the Endangered Archives Programme’s texts from Bhutan. This is due to a widely-reported Cyber Incident that created much hardship and wasted energy for so many around the globe, not only the many employees of the British Library.

§   §   §

The Frontispiece  

Said to belong to the 13th century, as it very well might, this painting has the Precious Teacher Padmasambhava as its central figure flanked by his Tibetan and Indian wives (practically mirror images of each other). The somewhat smaller figure beneath them is surely Nyangrel Nyima Özer, and if you look up in the upper right corner there is a set of three figures. The middle of the three is Padampa, with only a minimum of doubt in my mind, making it a very probable Padampa.

§   §   §

The Two Bhutan Manuscripts of the Seven Women

Note: Below please find the Drametsé manuscript typed out in black, while the Tsakaling manuscript is in blue and indented. This was done to make it easy to check one against the other (tables formatting could not be used here). I have put the women’s names in dark red for emphasis (in the Drametsé only). Both transcriptions have been checked a second time for accuracy. Abbreviated spellings have mostly been tacitly resolved, although misspellings were supposed to be given as is (notice bu-med for bud-med and the like), without always pointing them out. Occasionally corrected spellings are suggested in square brackets.

The word cho-lu, or chol-bu in the title is especially significant, as it suggests it belongs to the earliest collection of Padampa texts that was made, the no longer extant collection (called Cho[l]-lu'i skor) by Kunga done in circa 1100 CE. The Drametsé is supposed to be part 16 (as indicated by the keyletter MA) of the larger collection of Padampa-related texts.

The folios of the Tsakaling are marked with the six-syllable mantra instead of folio numbers.  The Tsakaling has a very significant colophon [6r.2] informing us it was scribed by Teacher Sengé based on the personal copy of the Great Nyang (bud med la gdams pa cho lu'i skor / rdzogs so // phyi rabs rjes 'jug la phan par gyur cig / nyang chen po'i phyag yig steng nas / ston seng ges bris / cig zhu). The Great Nyang is of course the famous Nyangrel Nyima Özer. Who else could it be?

The differences between the two manuscripts are mostly minor (they even share some otherwise very unusual misspellings). My reason for respecting the autonomy of the two texts rather than crafting a single critical edition out of them is to try and understand what the two otherwise uniquely existing texts have to do with each other. I suspect that the Drametsé was directly copied to create the Tsakaling, but may need to give the problem more thought. If so, the personal copy of the Great Nyang mentioned in the Tsakaling would be none other than the Drametsé. I’d like to know your thoughts on this problem if anything occurs to you.

 

•

 

TITLE:  MA - Dam pas bu med bdun la gdams pa'i chol lus skor bzhugs.ho [=Bud med bdun la gdams pa'i cho lu'i skor].

[scan photo no. 93, or fol. OM recto, title page] Dam pas bu med bdun la gdam pa'i chol lu'i skor bzhugs s.ho mangga lam [~Dam pas bud med bdun la gdams pa'i cho lu'i skor]. 

[1v] bla ma dam pa rnams la phyag 'tshal lo //

bla ma dam pa rnams la phyag 'tshal lo /

dam pa rgya gar de gang zag rang rgyud pa men ste // sprul pa'i sku byang chub sems dpa' yin ste / skal ldan rnams la thugs rjes gzigs pas 'gro ba'i mgon po // rnal 'byor pho mo lnga bcu tsa bzhi'i grub thob kyi bsnyan rgyud kyi gdams pa mnga' ba / 'jam dpal sgra ba'i seng ge [~smra ba'i seng ge] dang zhal mjal bas / sangs rgyas gnyis pa'i sras su gyurd pa / sgron ma [~sgrol ma] dang rje btsun ma rnal 'byor ma la rtsog pa'i mkha' 'gro ma'i lung bstan thob pa /  [2r]  mchog thun mong gi dngos grub gnyis la mnga' mnyes pa / 'dzam bu gling gi rgyan gcig po // lhag par du bod la bka' drin che ba / a tsa ra nag po chen po gzi mdangs can / chos la bar na lo tsha'i lhad med pa / rang skad du ston pa / dam pa thugs rje can de / las stod ding ri na bzhugs pa'i dus su / bud med las khyad du 'phags pa bdun /

dam pa rgya gar de gang zag rang rgyud pa men ste / sprul pa'i sku byang chub sems dpa' yin ste / skal ldan rnams la thugs rjes gzigs pas 'gro ba'i mgon po / rnal 'byor pho mo lnga bcu tsa bzhi'i grub thob kyi bsnyan rgyud yi gdams pa mnga' ba / 'jam dpal sgra ba'i seng ge [~smra ba'i seng ge] dang zhal mjal bas / sangs rgyas gnyis pa'i sras su gyurd pa / sgron ma [~sgrol ma?] dang rje btsun ma rnal 'byor ma la rtsogs pa'i mkha' 'gro ma'i lung bstan thob pa / mchog thun mo[ng] gi dngos grub gnyis la mnga' mnyes pa / 'dzam bu gling gi rgyan gcig po / lhag par du bod la bka' drin che ba / a tsar nag po chen po gzi mdangs can / chos la bar na lo tsha ba'i lhad med pa / rang skad du ston pa / dam pa thugs rje can de / la stod ding ri na bzhugs pa'i dus su / bud med las khyad du 'phags pa bdun / 

tsi mo rnam kha' gsal [~tsi mo nam mkha' gsal] /

tsi mo rnam kha' [fol. MA] gsal /

zhang mo rgya mthing ma /

zhang mo rgya mthing ma / 

jo zhwa chung ma /

ma jo zhwa chung ma / 

ma jo rje chung ma /

ma jo rje chung ma / 

ma jo rong chung ma /

ma jo rong chung ma / 

ma jo glan chung ma /

ma jo glen chung ma / 

ma jo zhang chung ma /

ma jo zhang chung ma /

skye ba sman kyang mtshan ldan mkha' 'gro mas byin gyis brlabs pa bdun gyis / gser gyi man rdal phul tshogs kyi 'khor lo mdzad nas / dam pa la phyag dang skor ba byas nas zhus pa /

skye ba sman kyang mtshan ldan mkha' 'gro mas byin gyis brlabs pa bdun gyis / gser gyi man rdal phul tshogs kyi 'khor lo mdzad nas / dam pa la phyag dang skor ba byas nas zhus pa /  ±  /  

rje rin po che sprul pa'i sku / a li ka li'i gsung / rig pa'i ye shes kyi thug[s] / bdag cag bu med 'dra ba skye ba sman pas snying rus med / [2v] las ngan pas lus la dgra yod / bya ba mang la g.yeng ba che bas / chos mi khom / 'on kyang dam pas gdam ngag tshig bzhis grol nus pa ci zhu dgos pas / gnang par mdzod ci zhes bu med bdun gyis 'grin ci du [~mgrin gcig tu] zhus pas / dam pas gdams pa re re snang pa'o //

rje rin po che sprul pa'i sku / [insert here? a li ka li'i gsung] rig pa'i ye shes kyi thug / bdag cag bu med 'dra ba skye ba sman pas snying rus med / las ngan pas lus la dgra yod / bya ba mang la g.yeng pa che bas / <chos mi khom> 'on kyang dam pas gdam ngag tshig bzhi bzhis grol nus pa gcig zhu dgos pas / gnang par mdzod cig zhes bud med bdun gyis mgrin gcig tu zhus pas / dam pas gdams pa re re snang pa'o //

tsi mo nam mkha' gsal la / lta ba phyogs lhung mtha' bral yin no // rig pa rten dang phrol la blo'i snems thag chod / sgom pa rang gsal 'dzin med yin no // 

§§  tsi mo nam kha' gsal [~nam mkha' gsal] la / lta ba phyogs lhung mtha' bral yin no / rig pa rten dang phrol la [fol. MA verso] blo'i snyems thag chod / sgom pa rang gsal 'dzin med yin no // 

sems nyid lhug pa ngos zung gcig / spyod pa shugs byung 'gag med yin no // shes pa la 'khris ma bzhag gcig / 'bras bu rang byung ye gnas yin no //

sems nyid lhag pa ngos zung cig / spyod pa shugs byung 'gag med yin no //  shes pa la 'khris ma bzhag cig / 'bras bu rang byung ye gnas yin no // 

re dogs kyi blo sol gcig / chos byed na khyim thab kyi blo ma bstang na sdug bsngal gyi brtson ra las mi thar / 'dod pa'i blo ma bstang na zas nor la chog shes med / gdung sems kyi blo ma bstang na / [3r]  bu khyo'i 'khri ba mi chod / ngo tsha dang khrel 'dzem gyi blo ma bstang na / nam mkha' gsal la rnal 'byor ma dka' por mchi 'o gsung // 

re dogs kyi blo sol cig / chos byed na khyim thab kyi blo ma bstang na sdug bsngal gyi brtson ra las mi thar / 'dod pa'i blo ma bstang na zas nor la chog shes med / gdung sems kyi blo ma bstang na / bu khyo'i 'khris mi chod / ngo tsha dang khrel 'dzem gyi blo ma bstang na / nam mkha' gsal la rnal 'byor ma dkar por mchi'o gsung //  

zhang mo rgya mthing la / lta ba 'dod pa dang bral ba yin no // blo yi 'ching pa khrol gcig / bsgom pa dmigs pa dang bral ba yin no / blo yi yul du ma bzhag gcig / spyod pa chags zhen med pa yin no // 

§§  zhang mo rgya mthing la / lta ba 'dod pa rang bral ba yin no // blo yi 'ching pa khrol cig / bsgom pa dmigs pa dang bral ba yin no / blo yi yul du ma bzhag cig / spyod pa chags zhen med pa yin no // 

smyon spyod gyis la mi'i blo thong / 'bras bu blo dngos 'brel med yin no // 'khor ba ming du shes par gyis la blo dngos gyi shan phye la re dogs med par gyis / nan tar chos byed na bud med yin yang chos la mi sto ste / 'dod pa dang blo 'brel dgos / rnal 'byor ma byed na tha' mal gyi grogs dang 'bral dgos / 'khor ba dang dbyes byed na bu tsha rgyab du 'bor dgos / dpa' mo khrom shog pa gcig byed na / ngo tsha dang khrel shor ba gcig dgos /  [3v] de tsho byas na rgya mthing ma la / rnal 'byor ma gsha' ma gcig 'ong gsung ngo //

smyon spyod gyis la mi'i blo thong / [fol. NI recto] 'bras bu blo dngos 'brel med yin no // 'khor ba ming du shes par gyis la / blo dngos gyi shan phye la re dogs med par gyis / rgyor ma byed na tha mal // nan tar chos byed na bud med yin yang chos la mi lto ste / 'dod pa dang blo 'brel dgos / rnal 'byor ma byed na tha' mal gyi grogs dang 'bral dgos // 'khor ba dang dbyes byed na bu tsha rgyab tu 'bor dgos // dpa' mo khrom shog pa cig byed na / ngo tsha dang khrel shor ba cig dgos / de tsho byas na rgya mthing ma la / rnal 'byor ma gsha' ma cig 'ong gsung ngo // § //

dam pas ma cho zhas chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba mtha' bral rten med yin no // stag chad kyi mtha' la ma bskur gcig / bsgom pa rang gsal rang 'byung yin no // bying rgod kyi dgra la ma bskur gcig / spyod pa rang shar rang grol yin no // tshul 'chos kyi skyon la ma bskur cig / 'bras bu ma bsgrubs rang 'byung yin no  // 

§§ dam pas ma cho zhas chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba mtha' bral rten med yin no / stag chad kyi mtha' la ma bskur cig / bsgom pa rang gsal rang 'byung yin no / bying rgod kyi dgra la ma bskur te / spyod pa rang shar rang grol yin no / tshul 'chos kyi skyon la [fol. NI verso] ma bskur cig / 'bras bu ma bsgrubs rang 'byung yin no / 

'dod pa'i blo ma bstang cig / chos byed na rnam rtog tsad bcad na / rig pa'i zhal mthong ste bu med rnam rtog mang / nyon mongs tsad bcad na rang grol gyi zhal mthong te / bud med nyon mongs pa rag / snang ba'i tshad bcad na / stong pa'i zhal mthong ste / bu med mngon zhen che / sems nyid tsad chod na chos sku'i zhal mthong ste / bu med bsam bsno mang / chos byed na bya mthong la [4r] bla ma'i thad du sgoms / sangs rgyas de khad kyis zhal mthong gcig gsung ngo //

'dod pa'i blo ma bstad cig / chos byed na rnam rtog tsad bcad na / rig pa'i zhal mthong ste bud med rnam rtog mang / nyon mongs tsad bcad na rang grol gyi zhal mthong te / bud med nyon mongs pa rag snang pa'i tsad bcad na / stong pa'i zhal mthong ste / bud med mngon zhen che / sems nyid tsad chod na chos sku'i zhal mthong ste / bud med bsam bsno mang / chos byed na bya mthong la bla ma'i thad du sgoms / sangs rgyas de khad kyis zhal mthong 'ong gcig gsung ngo /

dam pas jo mo rje chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba rang 'byung ye shes yin no // rang gsal sems kyi me long ltos gcig / bsgom pa 'od gsal lhan skyes yin no // rang dang lhan skyes 'grogs / spyod pa rang 'byung rgyun gnas yin no shes pa'i rtsi yis zung / 'bras bu lhan gcig skyes sbyor yin no rang ngo shes par gyis / 

§§ dam pas jo mo rje chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba rang 'byung ye shes yin no / rang gsal sems kyi me long ltos cig / bsgom pa 'od gsal lhan skyes yin no / rang dang lhan skyes 'grogs / spyod pa rang 'byung rgyun gnas yin [fol. PAD recto] no shes pa'i rtsa yis zung / 'bras bu lhan cig skyes sbyor yin no rang ngo shes par gyis / 

rje chung ma nan tar chos byed na / bu g.yas su sod na zhe sdang rtsad chod / bu mo g.yon du sod la 'dod chag[s] kyi gshis phyung / snang ba la med chug la 'dod yon rlung la skur / shel rgong glang la skor la sems la nyon mongs pa ma 'jog / nam mkha'i mthongs su sdod la / stong nyid ngang la nyol / skye rgas na 'chi'i chu bo bzhi la skyel ma tshol de [4v] ltar byas na bu med kyi lus 'di bor nas nub phyogs padma can du skye bar gda'i gsung ngo // 

rje chung ma nan ltar chos byed na / bu g.yas su sod la zhe sdang rtsad chod / bu mo g.yon du sod la 'dod chag kyi gshis phyung / snang ba la med chug la 'dod yon rlung la skur / shel rgong glad la skor la sems la nyon mongs pa ma 'jog / nam mkha'i mthongs su sdod la / stong nyid ngang la nyol / skye rgas na 'chi'i chu bo bzhi la skyel ma tshol de ltar byas na bud med kyi lus 'di bor nas nub phyogs pad ma can du skye bar gda'i gsung ngo //

dam pas ma jo rong chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba 'gyur med sdeng ldan yin no // nyam nga med par khyer / sgom pa rang 'byung rgyun gnas yin no // bying sgod grogs su khyer / spyod pa cir snang grogs shar yin no // 'gro nyal 'dug sdod skyongs / 'bras bu spangs thob med pa yin no // rang la gnas pas chog / 

§§ dam pas ma jo rong chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba 'gyur med sdeng ldan yin no / nyam nga med par khyer // sgom pa rang 'byung rgyun gnas yin no // bying rgod grogs su khyer / spyod pa cir snang grogs shar yin no // 'gro nyal 'dug sdod [fol. PAD verso] skyongs // 'bras bu spangs thob med pa yin no / rang la gnas pas chog / 

rong chung ma snying gi dkyil na 'od me long tsam gcig gda'o // de la lta nus na bla ma gcig nang nas 'char ste / bu med gti mug che / mdun gyi nam mkha' la shel gyi mchod rten gda' ste / de la lta nus na bla ma gcig phyi nas ston te / bu med mngon zhen che / byung tshor gyi rtog pa la ngos bzung 'dug gam mi 'dug bltas na / rang grol gyi slob dpon gcig 'ong bar gda' ste / bu med yab  [5r]  yeb che / bya ba thong la lta stog thong dang / bu med yin yang grol te 'ong gis gsung ngo //

rong chung ma snying gi dkyil na 'od me long tsam gcig gda'o // de la lta nus na bla ma gcig nang nas 'char ste / bud med gti mug che / mdun gyi nam mkha' la shel gyi mchod rten gda' ste / de la lta nus na bla ma gcig phyi nas ston te / bud med mngon zhen che / byung tshor gyi rtog pa la ngos bzung 'dug <gam mi 'dug> bltas na // rang grol gyi slob dpon gcig 'ong bar gda' ste / bud med yab yeb che / bya ba thong la lta stog thong dang // bud med yin yang grol te 'ong gis gsung ngo //

dam pas ma jo glan chung ma la gdams pa / glan chung ma lta ba 'gyur med sdeng ldan yin no // rig pa gtsal phyung / bsgom pa smyug ma rang gnas yin no // rnam rtog 'gag du chug / spyod pa skyes grol dus mnyam yin no // nyon mongs pa brtsan chod gyis / 'bras bu sku gsum rang gnas yin no // rang la rang ngo rtogs / 

§§ dam pas ma jo glan chung ma la gdams pa / glan chung ma lta ba 'gyur med sdeng ldan yin no / rig pa gtsal [~rtsal] phyung / bsgom pa smyug ma rang gnas yin no /  rnam rtog 'gag du chug / spyod pa skyes grol dus mnyam yin no /  nyon mongs pa brtson chod gyis [fol. ME recto] 'bras bu sku gsum rang gnas yin no / rang la rang ngo rtogs / 

glan chung ma / tshe srog tswa kha'i zil pa 'gra ba la / bu med kun chos mi dran par / 'chi bas mi 'jigs pa dpe med / sgyu lus mi stag na bun 'dra ba la / g.yu nor go log la tshis byas nas lus la stag par 'dzin pa dpe med / mi stag pa 'chi bas 'jigs pa myur 'ong pa la / las dang bya ba la yen nas / dge sbyor le lo  [5v]  'jog pa dpe med / 'jig rten 'khor ba'i sdug bsngal mthong tsam na / zhen pa rang log du mi 'gro ba / bu tsha'i sdug bsngal la rgyun du mthong ba dpe med /  rdzogs pa'i sangs rgyas rang la yod pa la / bla ma'i gdam ngag mi nyan par / bu med kyis chos mi 'ong zer ba'i dpe med / de ltar ma byed par bu med la gros thob dang / glan chung ma gsung ngo //

glan chung ma / tshe srog tswa kha'i zil pa 'gra ba la / bud med kun chos mi dran par / 'chi bas mi 'jigs pa dpe med / sgyu lus mi stag na 'un [~na bun?] 'gra ba la / g.yu nor go log la tshis byas nas lus la stag par 'dzin pa dpe med // mi stag pa 'chi bas 'jigs pa myur du 'ong pa la / las dang bya ba la yen nas / dge sbyor le lo 'jog par dpe med / 'jig rten 'khor ba'i sdug bsngal mthong tsam na / zhen pa rang log du mi 'gro ba / bu tsha'i sdug bsngal la rgyan du mthong ba dpe med / sdzog pa'i sangs rgyas rang la yod pa la / bla ma'i gdams ngag mi nyan par / bud med kyis chos mi 'ong zer ba'i dpe med [fol. ME verso] de ltar ma byed par bud med la gros thob dang / glan chung ma gsung ngo //

dam pas ma jo zhang chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba rang lugs chen po yin no // gnas lugs rang la 'dug pa ltos cig / sgom pa rang shar rten med yin no //  rig pa rten med ltos cig / spyod pa ma 'gags zhen med yin no // chags zhen btsan thab[s] su chod cig / 'bras bu ye dag ye grol yin no / rig pa'i rten phur phyung cig / 

§§  dam pas ma jo zhang chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba rang lugs chen po yin no / gnas lugs rang la 'dug pa ltos cig / sgom pa rang shar rten med yin no / rig pa rten med ltos cig / spyod pa ma 'gags zhen med yin no /  chags zhen btsan thab su chod cig / 'bras bu ye dag ye grol yin no / rig pa'i rten phur phyung cig / 

zhang chung ma 'chi ba la dad pa'i bya ra [byar?] zhog / chi 'khar [~'chi khar] 'gyod pa'i zol sog spongs / dge sbyor la  [6r]  brtson grus kyi lcag gis brobs / nam 'chi cha med 'chi khar mi 'tsher rtsi byed gos / dam tshig la rang sems la spang po tshud / dmyal bar ltung dog med / nyon mongs pa rang dgar ma gtang rdzos thob dbang po tshud / bla  ma'i gdam ngag la the tshom ma za / yid ches mos gus kyi dbang po tshud / de ltar byas na 'gyod med bder bde phyi mar kyid de / grag mo tsho chos dang 'gal ba kha na mang bar khyed par mthong na / zhang chung ma bu med kyi khang dpon gyis dang ste / nyan pa dka' bar 'ong pa 'dra na gsung ngo // 

zhang chung ma 'chi ba la dad pa'i bya ra zhog / 'chi khar 'gyod pa'i zol sog spongs / dge sbyor la brtson 'grus kyi lcag gis brobs / nam 'chi cha med 'chi khar mi 'tsher rtsi byed gos / dam tshig la rang sems la spang po tshud / dmyal bar ltung dog med / nyon mongs pa rang dgar ma gtad rjes thob dbang po tshud / bla ma'i gdam ngag la the tshom ma za / yid ches mos gus kyi dpang po tshud / de ltar byas na 'gyod med bder bde [~'di?] phyi mar [s]kyid de / [fol. HUM recto] grag mo tsho chos dang 'gal ba kha na mang bar khyed par mthong na / zhang chung ma bud med kyi khad dpon gyis dang ste / nyan pa dka' bar 'ong ba 'gra na gsung ngo //  //

bu[d] med bdun la gdams pa cho lu'i skor rdzogs s.ho // dge'o // 

bud med la gdams pa cho lu'i skor // rdzogs sho // phyi rab rjes 'jug la phan par gyur cig / nyang chen po'i phyag yig steng nas / ston seng ges bris / cig zhu /

( • | • | • )

Appendix One: Titles in the Tsakaling Manuscript Set

Tsakaling Manuscript (Tsakka glang snag tshang),

Tsakaling Thorbu 005. I don’t believe this has been made available on the website of the Endangered Languages Archive, at least not yet.

KA   Dam pa'i sku'i zhus lan me long rnam par snang ba.  fols. 1-39.  

Col. [39r.3]: e ma 'dzam gling skyes mchog rgya gar rin po che'i / sku'i zhus lan me long rnam par snang / bdud rtsi lta bu dri med zab don 'di / snying po shes rab skal ldan dbang phyug zhes /dus gsum mtshan 'dzin gangs khrod ras pa yi / phyug dpa'i steng nas rgya'i rnal 'byor pa / chu sbrul lug gi zla ba'i yar ngo la / gnam mchog seng ge'i gzims khang chen por bris / mkha' mnyam tshe cig sangs rgyas thob par shog.

BAG [? 'ig?  Vak!]   Dam pa'i gsung gi zhus lan rnam par dag pa.  fols. 1-17.  

GHUN [Guṇa]  Dam pa'i yon tan gyi zhus lan shing lo rgyas pa.  fols. 1-36.  

Col. [fol. 35v.5]: dris lan thun tshogs kyi dum bu zhes bya ba las / yon tan gyi zhus lan / dpag bsam shing gi 'dab ma nam mkha' la rgyas pa lta bu'i gdams pa / bla ma byang chub sems dpa' kun dgas zhus te / byin brlab kyi gnas mchog dpal gyi ding rir yi ger bkod pa // rdzogs so // lan cig zhu dag /

KARMA Dam pa'i 'phrin las kyi zhus lan / gags sel sgron me.  fols. 1-19.  

— Bla ma brgyud pa'i rim pa'o / bla ma brgyud pa'i rim pa'o.  fols. 1-9.

KA  Gnad kyi zhus lan man ngag 'dus pa me long rnam par gsal ba.  1-18.  

KA Zhus lan rnad sel rnad kyi sgron me [Zhus lan gnad sel gnad kyi sgron me].  fols. 1-24.   [photo no. 93]

OM  Dam pas bu med bdun la gdam pa'i chol lu'i skor [Dam pas bud med bdun la gdams pa'i cho lu'i skor]. fols. 1-6 (in place of fol. nos. we get the six syllable mantra).  

Col. [6r.2]: bud med la gdams pa cho lu'i skor / rdzogs so // phyi rabs rjes 'jug la phan par gyur cig / nyang chen po'i phyag yig steng nas / ston seng ges bris / cig zhu.  NOTE: Cho lu'i skor is the name of the original collection of Kunga.

— Rje dam pa'i skye bdun rnam thar ma la ngo mtshar gtam bdun dang bcas pa.  fols. ka-nga [using letters in place of numbers].  

—  Brul tsho drug pa'i lo rgyus.  fols. 1-8.  [at photo no. 129!]

— Gcod brul tsho drug pa.  fos. 9-32.  

Col. [fol. 32.6]: zhes pa gcod kyi gdams pa / rje dam pa rgya gar gyis / yar lungs kyi smag ra ser po can la gnang pa'o // iti / dang po gdams pa 'di la dpe med / phyis [32v] mdzad par gda'o //  // [an interesting lineage follows, in smaller letters]

— 'Dzam gling skyes mchog rgya gar rin po che'i thugs kyi zhal chems pad ma rtseg pa'o.  fols. 1-9.  

— Zhi byed snga phyi bar gsum gyi dkar chag.  fols. 1-10  [photo no. 155]

— Dam pa la pha rol tu phyin pa bcu'i go nas bstod pa.  fols. 1-3.

— Dam pa'i gsung ['Dzam gling mi'i skyes mchog gsung yin no].  fols. 1-3.

— Dam pa'i zhal thems bcu gnyis.  fols. 1-6. Is this a version of the Zhal chems?

— Brul tsho drug pa'i zhal gdams.  fols. 33-37.  

— Dam pa'i gsung rtsad po la gsungs pa.  fols. 1-4 (words in place of numbers).  Text granted by Rten ne (1127-1221) to Myang Ral pa can at Smra'o cog.  

•

Appendix Two: Titles in the Drametsé Manuscript Set

EAP105/1: Drametse Monastery Collection >

EAP105/1/3: gSung thor bu - Miscellaneous titles >

EAP105/1/3/72: dam pa'i zhus len me long rnam par snang ba

http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_item.a4d?catId=189691;r=12237

KA - Dam pa'i sku'i zhus lan me long rnam par snang ba.  fols. 1-34 (photos 1-23).  

KHA - Bla ma brgyud pa'i rim pa.  fols. 1-9.  

Cololophon at fol. 9r.1:  i ti / nad pa la byin brlabs byed na dam po gtor ma gtang / de nas skyabs 'gro sems skyed bya / de nas gsol ba btab / de nas nad pa mi dmigs / nad mi migs 'dre mi migs / byin brlabs mi dmigs par stong pa nyid do // gang na ba'i sar shing 'am rdo'am gang yang rung ba cig gis cab / cab bya'o / des bzhi bar 'gyuro // i ti /

GA - Brul tsho drug pa'i lo rgyus.  fols. 1-8.

NGA - Gnad kyi zhus lan man ngag 'dus pa me long rnam par gsal ba.  fols. 1-18.  

Colophon fol. 18v.5: gnad kyi zhus lan man ngag 'dus pa me long rnam par gsal ba zhes bya ba / sdzogs s.ho //  //

CA - Zhi byed snga phyi bar gsum gyi dkar chag.  fols. 1-8 (but there are 2 marked fol. 2).  

CHA - Zhus lan rnad sel rnad kyi sgron me.  fols. 1-16.  

Colophon fol. 16r.1: rje btsun dam pa rgya gar gyi zhal nas legs par gsungs pa / rnad sel rnad kyi sgron me ces bya ba / bka' rgya dang bcas pa'i zab don rdzogs so / /

JA - Dam pa'i gsung gi zhus lan rnam par dag pa.  fols. 1-18.  

Cololophon fol. 16v.3: gtsung gi zhus lan rnam par dag pa zhes bya ba khyad nas 'phags pa rdzogs so //

NYA - Dam pa'i 'phrin las kyi zhus lan / gags sel sgron me.  fols. 1-18.  

Colophon fol. 18v.2: gags sel 'phrin las kyi zhus pa lan dang bcas pa rdzogsho / / mangga lam //

TA - Dam pa la pha rol tu phyin pa bcu'i [s]go nas bstod pa.  fols. 1-4.

THA - Dam pa'i gsung bzhugs s.ho / 'dzam gling mi'i skyes mchog gsung yin no.  fols. 1-3.  

Colophon: rje dam pa rgya gar gyis bon po khra tshang 'brug la gnang pa'o // a ti /   A yantra of letters is illus. on a following folio.

DA - Dam pa'i zhal thems bcu gnyis.  [Zhal chems?]  fols. 1-5.  

Colophon: rje btsun dam pa rin po che smon lam bdag gi pha mas gtso byas khams gsum 'gro ba rigs drug sems can thams cad kyi ji ltar gsung ba bzhin grub par gyur cig / bdag sogs dam pa'i drung du skye bar shog /

NA - Gcod brul tsho drug pa.  fols. 1-23.  Precepts given by Dam pa Rgya gar to Smag ra Ser po can [Sma ra Ser po] of Yar lungs.

PA - 'Dzam gling skyes mchog rgya gar rin po che'i thugs kyi zhal chems padma brtsegs pa.  fols. 1-8.  This is the well-known Ding ri brgya rtsa.

PHA - Dam pa'i yon tan gyi zhus lan shing lo rgyas pa.  fols. 1-36 (the order of fols. 12 & 13 is switched).  As you may see in the listing that follows, some of these answers were to questions asked of Padampa by women.

10r.1 rgya'i sgom ma [~rgya sgom ma]. 10r.5 ston ma dar rgyan.  11v.1 'bro lo tsha [~'bro lo tshâ ba].  11v.3 bla ma ram dge ba'i seng ge. 11v.5 rje khri pa. 15v.5 te tshems chung pa.  16r.3 dam pa phyar chung.  16r.6 ston ma byang chub dge.  17v.2 bla ma grub chung pa.  18v.1 ston pa chos kyis seng ge [~chos kyi seng ge].   22r.3 yon bdag mo rgyan ne.  24v.5 ma jo snang gsal.  26r.1 bla ma zhang gsor 'od [~gser 'od?].  

Colophon fol. 36r.5: dris lan thun tshogs kyi dum bu zhes bya ba las / yon tan gyi zhus lan dpag bsam shing gi 'dab ma mkha' la rgyas pa lta bu'i gdams pa / bla ma byang chub sems dpa' kun dgas zhus te  byin brlabs kyi gnas mchog [36v] dpal gyi ding rir yi ger bkod pa rdzogs so / /

BA - Dam pa'i gsung rtsad po la gsungs pa gcig.  fols. 1-4.  Includes a story about how the king of Purang by the name of Brtsad po Khri btsan battled the King of Bri sha (Bru sha!). They fired a catapult at the palace when a nâga tree got broken. The king came to Padampa complaining of being troubled by spirits giving him leprosy (read nad mdze in place of nas 'dze).  

[4v] Dam pa Phyar chung put this text into writing. This ends the Gdams pa Cho lu'i skor. The teacher Grub thob Dngos grub granted these teachings to Myang Ral pa can. It was scribed at Smra'o cog po. It’s especially remarkable for having the giving [to the spirits] as food practice (gcod kyi gzan skyur), a practice not known to the ZC.

MA - Dam pas bu med bdun la gdams pa'i chol lus skor [Bud med bdun la gdams pa'i cho lu'i skor].  fols. 1-6.  

§   §   §

This blog is dedicated to both my sister and her happiness on her birthday.

Is That Padampa Probable?

Amitābha  
The Buddha Amitābha. Chromolithograph. Wellcome Collection.

Every time I write a blog I go ahead and put it up, thinking it’s over and done with. But it usually isn’t too long, maybe an hour, a day or a week, before something I should have included comes to mind. That happened last time, which is why I put up that Postscript with something about a 15th-century painted icon of Padampa. Continuing to mine the vein of probable Padampas, I would like to add another artistic representation of unknown date of origin and unusual appearance. This artwork, not exactly in itself a thangka, could be described as a black-and-white lithographic representation of one with minimal coloration, enough to make it a chromolithograph. It is one of the many Tibet-related curiosities in the possession of the Wellcome Institute of London.

• Go to the Wellcome Institute website to get a closer look at it.

If you download at full resolution and enlarge it on your screen, you can better see what it says down below. It was taken from p. 53 of Emil Schlagintweit's Buddhism in Tibet dated according to the internet entry to a questionable year 1863? its publication credited to Dr. C. Wolf & Sons of Munich. My print copy of E. Schlagintweit’s book is an economical Indian edition, so I’m not too surprised to find it isn’t at p. 53 where it is supposed to be. In fact it doesn’t prove findable anywhere in the book. I did find after searching the internet the French version of the book, Le Bouddhisme au Thibet (1881), and there, immediately after p. 36, you can find it, not far away from a bit of discussion connected to it. 

The internet entry’s description also says “The four-armed figure is Padmapani...” This isn't exactly incorrect, just that I would call this 4-armed divine figure Mahākāruṇika (Thugs-rje-chen-po) or Great Compassion. It continues, “...the other to his right is Guru Dragpo, a protector against evil spirits.” This is mistaken. It is clearly a very probable Padampa, even if not every normative feature of his iconography is present (if it were, we would cross out the word probable). It doesn’t check every box, but just enough.

Nowhere in all of this is Padampa correctly identified as being himself, and in the one context where he is identified, he is called incorrectly Guru Drakpo, or Wrathful Guru, a form of Padmasambhava. That is what led me to write this brief blog. Our quest for possible, probable and very probable Padampas may lead us through some treacherous waters, but sometimes we find a secure port that permits a fairly easy landing. This is one of those times, for sure. We can feel sure with high probability it is him. At the same time there are further considerations in trying to understand why he is there to begin with.

So why is Padampa there in such a prominent position? You might think that Padampa was regarded as a manifestation of the central deity of the thangka, Amitābha, but I’ve never heard of that idea before. More likely he was in some way connected to the Amitābha practice that was being done by the patron of the artwork. With that idea in mind, perhaps the thangka could have been meant to form part of an Amitābha practice connected to Padampa. But I know of no such practice, do you? Let’s see... While Padampa wandered the subcontinent of India in his younger years, he meditated on 12 different divine figures of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas and beheld visions of each one. The list does not include Amitābha or Amitāyus, so I don’t know what I’m supposed to tell you. I have no answer.

At the bottom level of the thangka you can see the seven different possessions of the universal monarch, the Cakravartin. They are not usual in this position in thangkas. Amitābha practices often include them as a set of offerings made to the Buddha, so they fit here just perfectly. And Amitābha is often flanked by two standing Bodhisattvas, as we see here. Their exact identity is not something the sources agree about, I can’t see my way to a swift resolution of this problem, so I will leave it for a more auspicious occasion.

No expert, I understand in early lithography the picture or part of it had to be painted directly onto a slab of stone, and there was no easier way to transfer it. In the chronolithography developing in the middle decades of the 19th century, a different stone had to be prepared for each of the colors needed. If that’s accurate it means that somebody in Europe, involved in the production of the Schlagintweit book, had to do their best to copy what they saw. This would have tended to lend the product a hybrid style that isn't quite Tibetan. Do you see something like that here? I think I do. 

Anyway, I've exhausted just about everything I could say about this particular artifact. What do you say about it?

Resources from here and there on the web

• * • If you want to investigate mysteries of the Schlagintweit thangka for yourself, here are some places where you might try to find clues on this or that aspect.

See this page at Himalayan Art Resources (HAR) for a wide variety of representations of Padampa.

For more on the subject, see this:

https://www.tibetanbuddhistencyclopedia.com/en/index.php?title=Padampa_Sangye:_A_History_of_Representation_of_a_South_Indian_Siddha_in_Tibet.  The people who manage this webpage never asked me if they could put up this frightfully substandard version of a published article, and if they had asked I would have said “No!” When I asked them to take down something written by me before, they responded with sympathy, or so I thought, but finally left the pilfered material up there on their site as if our conversation never took place. DuckDuckGo* puts their messy page up first in the results if you search for "Padampa iconography." Even their entry “Dampa Sangye” was entirely lifted from Wikipedia, so I have to ask, What is the point in duplicating it? Is anyone in the world outside of the People’s Republic unable to find Wikipedia entries? I suppose I ought to be happy they changed their name from Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedia to Tibetan Buddhist Encyclopedia, but I’m not.

(*Not an advertisement in favor of this search engine, still, that's how I surf these days. Bye bye Google and its A.I., as in Atrocious [lack of] Intelligence!)

Your next question foretold: Why don’t I put up a link to a better version?  The answer is, I don’t have a reasonably good scan of the article, and neither does anyone else. The page size is a problem, and the faint letters of the footnotes get in the way of photoing. That means you may just have to locate the book in an actual physical book library and look at it there. Please don’t ask me for an offprint. The best I can do is send you here for a not very happy scan of it:

https://www.academia.edu/4002632/Padampa_Sangye_A_History_of_Representation_of_a_South_Indian_Siddha_in_Tibet

Jeff Watt of Himalayan Art Resources discusses Amitābha iconography in a series of short videos. Start from here:

https://www.himalayanart.org/search/set.cfm?setID=6061

and then scroll down until you see the word "Videos." You not only hear expert explanations, you get to view some of the most beautiful Tibetan thangkas, so much more beautiful than the one I’ve shown you.

You can easily read Emil Schlagintweit's book Buddhism in Tibet (1863) on screen here at Sacred Texts dot com. 

But I recommend downloading a nice PDF of it from Pahar (use their local search box)

or better, because it may be a little faster to download, the same PDF at archive.org.  Archive.org has other PDFs, just that I prefer this particular one.

Three of the famous Schlagintweit brothers
Robert, Hermann and Adolph
all of them geographers of the Himalayas.
Emil is notably absent.

• * • Emil Schlagintweit’s book along with Jäschke’s dictionary appear to be the two most important sources of information about Tibetan Buddhism available to Helena Blavatsky of Theosophical Society fame.  Click here for more on this.

Tingrian Couplets in the Meditation Manual

Padampa in Saspola Cave, Ladakh
Photo by Rob Linrothe

Here you will find on offer translations of six Tingrian Couplets. They were preserved in a 15th-century Nyingma & Kagyü meditation manual composed by Khedrup Yeshé Gyeltsen. Those interested in Tibeto-logical details can read all the way to the end of the blog if they like. 

The Tingri Gyatsa, or Tingri Hundred is a widely renowned monument of Tibetan literature, always attributed to the authorship of Padampa Sangye, the south Indian meditation master who died in Tibet in 1105 or 1117 CE. Like Kabir’s Dohas, it’s all in two-line verse form. Each couplet ought to end with a vocative, “[oh my] Tingrians!” And I should add, the word “my” is not intended as an expression of ownership, but one of affectionate concern. Now you know what a Tingrian Couplet is, and you are welcome to read a few samples just below.

I realize these couple of verses may not be enough for everyone, so with those less easily satisfied people in mind I’d like to offer a complete English translation (Tibetan text also supplied) of one version of the Tingri Hundred:

Tap here

If you feel you could use some introduction and discussion, go back to our blog of December 2008, the one with the title “The Tingri Hundred”:

Tap here

• 1 •

Dampa said,

Delusions are not there in the base, they arise incidentally.

Comprehending this characteristic is enough, my Tingrians.

• 2 •

Lord Dampa Gyagar said,

If you are unable to renounce sangsaric dharmas,

even knowing all the scriptures is of no help.

• 3 & 4 •

By Dampa:

When your own aims are not fulfilled you do the aims of others no good.

First of all, do your practices, my Tingrians.

Forming easy relations with delusive appearances, you mix with them.

Bring understanding in their wake, my Tingrians.

• 5 •

If there is something you are attached to, that same thing also binds you.

There is no need for it whatsoever, my Tingrians.

• 6 •

By Padampa Gyagar:

Of all the virtues, rejoicing in others’ success is the best.

Don’t be envious of others my Tingrians.

§   §   §

Bibliographical affairs

I made use of one particularly fine cursive manuscript version of a previously unstudied (and needless to say untranslated) text by a teacher of Katok Monastery named Khedrup Yeshé Gyeltsen. I want to give him the dates 1395 to 1458 CE simply because that’s what I find in Cuevas’ book and Ehrhard’s essay, both listed below. However, Chatral Rinpoche’s history of Katok Monastery gives him a birthdate of 1455, sixty years later, so there is room for discussion. For the time being we can at least be satisfied that he lived in the 15th century. He exists in the BDRC database (see no. P10291), but no dates were there when I looked earlier today. 

I would say that there is nothing remotely comparable to his meditation manual, but that isn’t quite true. It reminds you overall of a much better known anthology of quotations about meditation, the one by Takpo Tashi Namgyal. The latter, written a century later, is entirely a Kagyü work. It scarcely quotes from works of Nyingmapas and Zhijepas, whereas this meditation manual from Katok Monastery explicitly states in its opening words that it encompasses “Zhi Rdzogs Phyag.”  That means Zhijé, Dzogchen and Mahâmudrâ.  We don’t often see them in a triad like this.*

(*Indeed, searching through the 15 million pages of the BUDA database in less than half a minute turns up only three positive matches, and wouldn’t you know, all three of them appear to share the same authorship with the meditation manual.)

Folio 1 verso of the meditation manual.
Notice the phrase zhi rdzogs phyag gsum in the middle of line 3.

• Another difference is that the meditation manual starts out with a lengthy section covering the normal topics of preliminary practices, or sngon-'gro, that we are accustomed to finding in Path Stage, tenrim (bstan-rim) and lamrim (lam-rim) texts. These topics include contemplations on impermanence, the rareness of human rebirth, and so on. I think you probably know about these things already.

• As far as Zhijé materials are concerned, the meditation manual embraces a lot more than just the few Tingrian couplets we’ve  included in this weblog. Most remarkably, it has an entire section near the end, running from folios 523 through 550, filled with material from the Kunga questions-and-answers texts (I haven’t identified which one yet, but you can be sure I will be looking into this sometime soon).

Chatral Rinpoche (Bya-bral Sangs-rgyas-rdo-rje, 1913-2015), Dpal Kaḥ-thog-pa’i Chos-’byung Rin-chen Phreng-ba, Snga-’gyur Bstan-pa’i ’Byung-gnas Kaḥ-thog Rdo-rje-gdan (n.d.), in 221 pages, composed between 1985 and 1988. TBRC no. W3CN3398. 

The biographical sketch of Khedrup Yeshé Gyaltsen is found at pp. 53-55. Here we find his Dzogchen and Marpa Kagyü (that means Smar-pa Bka'-brgyud, not Mar-pa Bka'-brgyud) studies emphasized, with no mention of Zhijé. We do find mention of his composition of our meditation manual, on p. 54, with the title Phyag-rgya-chen-po'i Khrid-gzhung Snying-po Don-gyi Man-ngag Rgya-mtsho'i Gter-mdzod. It’s intriguing to know that he spent much of his later life in meditation retreats in regions of far eastern Tibet, in the neighborhoods of the holy mountain Kawa Karpo, and even in ’Jang, or present-day north Yunnan. He may have even visited Shangrila, made virtually real only recently.

Bryan Cuevas, The Hidden History of the Tibetan Book of the Dead, Oxford University Press (Oxford 2003), p. 144.

Franz Karl Ehrhard, “Kaḥ thog pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan (1466-1540) and His Activities in Sikkim and Bhutan,” Bulletin of Tibetology, vol. 39, no. 2 (November 2003), pp. 9 26. At p. 9 please note the dates of our author. The same date for him, along with an alias Bu-’bor Ye-shes-rgyal-mtshan, may be found in Cuevas’ book.

Matthew T. Kapstein, ed., Tibetan Manuscripts and Early Printed Books, Cornell University Press (Ithaca 2024), in 2 vols. 

I urge you, order this exceptionally interesting and beautiful book, then look at vol. 1, p. 131. Figure 4.7 shows the title page, in color, of a different manuscript of the meditation manual than the one I used. It labels as its source The British Library Board, Or.15292, dating the manuscript to ca. 16th century.  To see it in black-and-white, see TBRC no. W1CZ892. Its title-page title is Rdzogs-pa-chen-po Snying-po Don-gyis Gter-mdzod. This manuscript has quite a few very well executed miniature paintings, but seeing them in TBRC’s poorly scanned microfilm is more than a little sad.

The label says it’s Garab Dorje

Khedrup Yeshé Gyaltsen (Mkhas-grub Ye-shes-rgyal-mtshan), Mkhas-grub Dznyâ-na-ke-tus* mdzad-pa'i Man-ngag Rgya-mtsho, a cursive manuscript in 587 folios.  TBRC no. WA3CN2867.  

This is the only version I’ve made use of here (I supply the original folio numbers, not those “image numbers” that are no more than accidental byproducts of the scanning process), even though there are at least three and maybe four other versions of it that are possible to locate at BUDA website. Their titles are different, so best of luck finding them. One advantage of the version I used is that it marked the persons or texts it quotes from with red letters most of the time. That made it easier for me to find the quotations I did find.

(*Technically Sanskrit ketu ought to be tog,  ‘pinnacle,’ in Tibetan. However, dhvaja-ketu (rgyal-mtshan-gyi tog, ‘pinnacle of the victory banner’) is such a common phrase, you could see how the two parts could get confounded. That’s how Dznyâ-na-ke-tu can be a Tibskritic form of Ye-shes-rgyal-mtshan. Is it clear? Putting the names of respected Tibetan teachers into Sanskritic form isn’t just a game they play. It shows respect.)

Takpo Tashi Namgyal (Dwags-po Bkra-shis-rnam-rgyal, 1513-1596?), Mahāmudrā: The Quintessence of Mind and Meditation, translated by Lobsang P. Lhalungpa, Shambhala (Boston 1986). A fresh translation by Elizabeth Callahan was published not long ago. 

The problem of the author’s identity has been addressed and solved by Matthew Kapstein and David Jackson, and I believe them, but there is no way you can make me go into all that discussion right now.

 

—

Try going to the website of Katok Monastery at this address, and then look for "Yeshe Gyamtsen." The title of the work we used here can be found there, listed among the thirteen primary sources for teachings at Katog. Its title is given in English as “Ocean of Mahamudra Core Instructions.” This is interesting, as other versions of the title lead you to think it would be exclusively devoted to Dzogchen.

Afterword

From my Tibeto-logical research perspective, I was very excited to find these few quotations of Tingrian couplets. Why? First of all, just because I’ve found so little evidence for them between the 13th and 17th centuries. I always assumed or felt fairly sure they would have been known to many throughout that time, but even just a little more evidence is nice to see. Another matter: If you put the various versions side by side and compare them (as I have done, in a document that isn’t quite in good enough shape to share), you can see that over the centuries significant transformations took place. Some verses are made to yield quite different messages, and this is not always due to accidental misreadings of the manuscript by careless scribes. Sometimes motivated changes are the only explanations with feet on them. Our Tingrian Couplet no. 1 already supplies a good example.

I believe I have good enough reasons to support me if I say that the only Tingrian couplets Padampa actually composed was a set I call the Tingri Thirteen (or should that be Tingri Twelve?). These couplets were pronounced by Padampa as part of his last will and testament shortly before his death in 1105 or 1117. I’ve been meaning to put up a translation of it, but it needs more polishing. 

A much longer set was pronounced by his disciple Kunga shortly before his own death seven years later on. Both versions (for short I call them versions A and B) are 100% exclusive to the Zhijé Collection, or so I had thought until today. To my amazement, our meditation manual preserves two lines from the introductory verses to Kunga’s 118 Tringrian couplets (so it is not technically a Tingrian couplet, but nonetheless...). It also quotes two couplets (nos. 3&4, above) that have parallels only in B, which tells us our 15th-century author had the Kunga version available to him. I can’t imagine how. (See now the added Postscript below.)

I would understand if you were to voice loud objections, criticizing the existing broad acceptance of all hundred or so Tingrian couplets as being by Padampa himself, when here we find the larger set is indeed spoken by Kunga. The introduction to Kunga’s set clarifies this. He is reading from something he had written down previously, and he insists that it does represent the essence of Padampa’s teachings. As I understand it, they were written after the model of the Tingri Thirteen as a homage, incorporating Padampa’s ideas and perhaps quite a few of his exact words, but, yes, written by Kunga.

Let me quote from my draft translation of the most relevant passage:

Standing before the yogis gathered here in glorious Tingri,

All people of stainless insight,

Great Sons happily abiding together. 

It isn't right for me to be giving this kind of muddled speech,

I who am like a firefly in the presence of the sun.

Still, these are the basic essentials of the teachings that came from Dampa,

So with affectionate thoughts I have set them down in writing.

Later on we will not meet, so listen as I read them to you now.

The intertextual connectedness between all the different versions is a subject I’ve been thinking over for a long time, but we can say that connections between A and the later versions C through F are quite few. Connections between B and the later versions are more evident and numerous, yet fully identical couplets are rare. Looking only at the later versions C through F, we can identify two recensions I believe are basic ones. I’ve called them the monkey and rhino recensions in an earlier blog. But as I said before, these critical reflections of mine about authorship have no bearing whatsoever on the Buddhist truth and/or spiritual authority of the texts themselves. The Tingrian couplets are great Tibetan poetry. Together they are a monument to the Tibetan language, a source of wisdom and inspiration regardless of your ideas about religions, and a trigger for reflection on life and its [mis]guided aims, no matter who wrote which one when. 

I know I should end on an uplifting note, but somehow I’m inclined to do nothing of the sort. These poetic lines from the meditation manual that follow are not Tingrian couplets, as you can see, and neither could they be verified in any other source at my disposal as yet. It’s about disenchantment with religion. You can find them on folio 511 recto, line 3:

de yang pha dam pa rgya gar kyis /

dang po dad pa skyes pas gnam du dil dil mchong /

bar du dad pa yal ba ri kha (~re kha) rjes kyis gang /

tha ma dad pa log pas 'khor ba'i rting rdo btags / ces gsungs so //

Padampa Gyagar had something to say about that:

When faith first arose, you leapt freely into the sky. 

In the meantime faith dissolved, and you were full of erased sketches.

In the end faith was reversed, and sangsara’s anchor was tied fast.

Keep the faith, my friends, no matter what.

Philological scratchpad

Tingrian Couplet One (22r.2)

dam pas /

'khrul pa gzhi la med de glo bur byung /

mtshan nyid go bas chog go ding ri pa /

Dampa said,

“Delusions are not there in the base, they arise incidentally.

Comprehending this characteristic is enough, my Tingrians.”

Our new source for this verse certainly supports the readings of version B over C.  The second line of Version C reads quite differently, and yields a meaning that is less radically formulated* even while it introduces the potentially problematic concept of a ‘creator’ for delusion,** saying: “Look at the characteristics of its creator, my Tingrians” or “Inspect it for the marks of its maker”?

(*A reader of centuries gone by may have had problems with the idea that just comprehending the incidental character of delusion would be in itself sufficient for Enlightenment. These qualms may have lead them to imagine ways to improve it. **I don’t expect it to make sense very quickly, but Buddhists don’t award creator status to Brahma the way most other Indian religions do, although they do credit him with the narcissistic idea that he was the creator, as it was his belief that world-creation happened because of his wish. Brahma, as a creator figure, does supply Buddhists with a myth of origins for delusion itself.)

-C12- (compare B51 and D37)

'khrul pa gzhi la med de glo bur gyur ||

byed mkhan mtshan nyid ltos shig ding ri ba ||

-B51- (compare C12 and D37)

'khrul pa gzhi la myed de blo bur byung /

mtshan nyid go bas chog go ding ri ba /

•

Tingrian Couplet Two (215r.1)

rje dam pa rgya gar gyis 

'khor ba'i chos la mi 'byung ma nus na / 

sde snod ma lus shes kyang phan mi thogs / ces gsung /

Lord Dampa Gyagar said,

“If you are unable to renounce sangsaric dharmas,

even knowing all the scriptures is of no help.”

These two lines belong uniquely — to my utter amazement — to the Kunga version (version B) at the end of the introductory section that immediately precedes the first couplet, with Kunga doing the speaking:

skyid kyang 'gro dgos rin chen gling gi myi /

bstan yul ma yin 'jig rten brang ba'i sa /

'khor ba'i chos la yid 'byung ma nus na /

sde snod ma lus shes kyang phan mi thogs /

dam pa'i gdams pa yin no ding ri ba /

Even if he’s contented there, 

the man in the jewel island still has to go.

This world is no permanent abode.  

It’s nothing more than a travellers’ lodge.

If you are unable to renounce sangsaric dharmas,

even knowing all the scriptures would be no help.

This is the teaching of Dampa, my Tingrians.

•

Tingrian Couplets Three and Four (388r.1)

• Note: I quote the larger context here starting at folio 388 recto, line 1, but only the couplets are translated.

dam pas /

bdud kyi 'jug pa dang po bya ba yin / rang lu (~chu) nang du 'jugs nas gzhan skal par thon par gar 'ongs skabs 'dir rang gis 'phel ba chad / gzhan la phan mi 'dog pas gzabs 'tshal / yang bsgrubs pa'i dus su gzhan don byar mi rung / dge sbyor 'phel ba chad do rang bzhin pa (~sa?) / 

rang don ma 'grubs gzhan don mi 'byung bas / 

thog mar bsgrub pa gyis cig ding ri pa / 

'khrul pa'i snang ba 'brel sla sru ba yin /  

go ba rjes la skyol cig ding ri pa /  

By Dampa,

“When your own aims are not fulfilled you do the aims of others no good.

First of all, do your practices, my Tingrians.

“Forming easy relations with delusive appearances, you mix with them.

Bring understanding in their wake, my Tingrians.”

For comparison (both verses are only found in B):

-B93-

rang don ma bsgrubs gzhan don myi 'ong pas /

thog mar bsgrub pa gyis cig ding ri ba /

-B94-

'khrul pa'i snang ba 'dris par sla ba yin /

go ca rjes la khol cig ding ri ba /

It's easy to get entangled in delusive apparitions.

Keep armour on your backs, my Tingrians.

The written similarity, particularly in a cursive manuscript, between go-ba, understanding, and go-ca (=go-cha, both spellings are found in Dunhuang texts), armor or military equipment is a problem, admittedly, although I believe the reading go-ba carries more weight, has more immediate cogency.

•

Tingrian Couplet Five (389v.5)

gang la zhen pa yod na de yang 'ching /

cis kyang dgos pa med do ring ring pa [~ding ri ba] / ces gsungs /

If there is something you are attached to, that same thing also binds you.

There is no need for it whatsoever, my Tingrians.

It is odd that this couplet doesn’t seem to exist in versions B or D, while the segment “de yang ’ching” finds no collaboration in any of the previously recorded versions. Still, I believe our new version is preferable.

For comparison:

-C16- (compare E14 and F14)

gang la zhen pa byung na de yang thongs ||

cis kyang dgos pa med do ding ri ba ||

-E14- (compare C16)

gang la zhen pa yong pa de blos thongs //

cis kyang dgos pa med do X  [3v]

 

Note:  Correct yong-pa to yod-pa.

•

Tingrian Couplet Six (467v.5)

pha dam pa rgya gar kyis /

dge ba'i nang nas rjes su yi rang mchog /

gzhan la 'phrag dog ma byed ding ri pa / ces gsungs pas /

By Padampa Gyagar:

“Of all the virtues, rejoicing in others’ success is the best.

Don’t be envious of others my Tingrians.”

For comparison:

-B88-

dge ba'i nang nas rjes su yi rang mchog /

gzhan la phrag dog ma byed ding ri ba /

• • •

Postscript (July 20, 2024)

This dark and unclear detail, clipped from a Shakyamuni Buddha thangka belonging to the Giuseppe Tucci collection, can be better seen of you go here:

https://asiasociety.org/new-york/exhibitions/unknown-tibet-tucci-expeditions-and-buddhist-painting

Once you are there, scroll down to the second painting. One thing I see significant about this is that Padampa is on the Kagyü side of the painting, balanced off by Gelugpa monks on the other side. If this is indeed as it says a 15th-century painting, it makes even more sense to find Padampa on a thangka likely made in an emerging Gandenpa/Gelugpa context. And we are reminded that the First Dalai Lama (1391-1475) had a family background of Zhijé practitioners.

To analyze what you see here a little more, the white blanket being the only clothing loosely wrapped around the lowest part of the body, and the ankles-crossed/knees-up seating posture are both fairly secure diagnostic features of Padampa. The fact that he has ornaments on his otherwise unclothed torso and arms is frequent (its correctness is historically questionable if we rely on the earliest sources), but along with the flowers in his hair this might seem to point to (or indicate conflation with) the iconography of Virûpa. Still, I have no doubt it is Padampa who is depicted here.

The same painting also features in a 5-minute Asia Society video. I will try to embed it here, although if the embedding is unsuccessful you will see a jumble of letters and numbers that lead nowhere:

<iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/EVocNP7zgQw?si=rI7SRwl5VrFmk6AC" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen></iframe>

If you do not see the video here just above, scroll down to the end of this blog because it might be "embedded" there. If not, go to YouTube and use their search facility to search for the following title, using the quote marks around it:  

 

“A Closer Look at Tibetan Thangkas”

I just wanted to tag on this bit of artistic evidence that helps us to argue for popular knowledge of Padampa in the 15th century, as if any such argument were needed.

Perhaps yet more persuasive would be more literary sources quoting from “his” Tingrian Couplets. I do know of some.

Most relevent here and now is one couplet quoted in the 15th-century Sakya teacher Müchen Könchog Gyaltsen's (1388-1469) Supplement to the Oral Tradition, as contained in Thupten Jinpa, tr., Mind Training: The Great Collection, Wisdom (Boston 2006), at p. 483: 

The master Dampa states: 

“Contemplating the sufferings of samsara pierces my heart; 

People of Dingri, laugh not at these matters.”  

The Tibetan for it reads: 

rje dam pa'i zhal nas | 

'khor ba'i sdug bsngal bsam na snying rlung ldang || 

'di la gad mo mi bro d[i]ng ra ba ||

 

With nothing to say about the translation already given, except to say that it’s a great one, I still try my hand at it:

“At thought of the bad points* of sangsara my heart pressure rises.

Nothing to laugh and dance about here, my Tingrians.”

(*I follow the text of B108 by reading nyes-dmigs in place of sdug-bsngal.) 

What impresses me almost as much as its very serious message with so much confirming evidence in today’s world, is that this couplet is uniquely found in Kunga’s set (version B), number 108 of his 118 couplets. This does make the meditation manual’s  use of the Kunga set not quite unique, only nearly unique.