Showing posts with label Padampa Sangyé. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Padampa Sangyé. Show all posts

Thursday, January 08, 2026

Chicks Raised on Diamonds

I have heard that the use of the semicolon is in rapid decline, even in danger of disappearing altogether. This is a pity, as it was a useful way of signifying that something further is going to be said on the topic just introduced. There probably isn’t the least reason for our concern; there are a lot more significant problems requiring our attention. One of these is the possible use by our feathered friends of diamonds and such as foods or food supplements. I hear what you are saying. I cannot come up with a good answer for you right now; it is no doubt true that few are aware there is a problem. Even artificial intelligence doesn’t admit, at this point in its history, that there is one. But already at the turn of the 12th century, Padampa asked the following rhetorical (?) question, one that feels more like a Zen koan or a riddle.

gzan du pha lam sgug pa’i bya de gang yin su yis mthong bar ’gyur //

“This bird that gulps diamonds for feed, what is it? Who has seen it?”

So reads one of his cryptic sayings collected by his student Kunga and then better organized by Kunga’s own student Patsab, the most likely author of the commentary. My first inclination is to attempt to understand the import of the saying without relying on the commentary. As first item of business, I would correct the sgug-pa (‘awaiting’) of the text to sgum-pa (possibly also spelled rgum-pa) as the revision is necessary for it to make sense; in any case it suits the context very finely. Sgum-pa, not an often encountered word by any means, means birdfeed, whether that might be the kind the bird finds scattered out for it on the ground, or the same already gulped up and stored in its craw, ready to dispense to its chicks. Padampa uses this word in other bird-related contexts. So in brief my first inclination, based on what I know of Padampa, is that he is alluding to the invisible store of secret precepts kept by the spiritual teacher that can be passed on to the next generation. It is about spiritual transmission in a broad sense, and just how direct it can be.

But it would most surely be a pity to leave it at that without seeing what the commentator has to say, even if he would at least on the surface seem to conclude, after all that is meanwhile said and done, that it is really all about encouraging moderation in diet.

The commentary, at Zhijé Collection, vol. 1, p. 422, line 4, says:

zan du pha lam zhes pa ni / dbus kyi ri bo mchog rab kyi bang rim gong ma'i steng na ye shes kyi bya khyung yod skad / de'i 'og ma na las kyi bya khyung yod skad / de klu za ba yin skad / de'i 'og ma na bya ke ke ru bya ba yod / de'i phrug gu la mas gzan du / gzhan gang yang mi ster bar dang po rdzas pha lam gcig btsal nas byin pas / phyis lto gzhan gang yang mi dgos par / de gcig pu des chog pa yin par 'dug /

gser gyi ri bdun la yang bya mang po yod pas / la la mu tig dang* / mu men la lto byed skad / la la shel la lto byed / de lta bu las sogs pa'i lto rnams kyis la las lo kha yar gyi lto thub / la las gnyis gnyis gsum gsum thub / la las zla ba kha yar thub pa yod 'dug / de dang 'dra bar lto 'dun dung dung mi bya gsungs / 

“ ‘Diamonds for feed’ — On top of the upper terraces of the highest mountain of Magadha is said to live the Full Knowledge Garuḍa. In the lower terraces live[s] the Karma Garuḍa[s], said to eat nāgas.* Even lower down we find the bird called the kekeru (ke-ke-ru).** Its chicks receive from their mother a single diamond without getting any other food at all, and later on they need no other feed at all. That single feeding is enough for them.

“There are also many birds in the seven golden mountains. Some of them are said to eat pearls (mu-tig) and lapis lazuli (mu-men).*** Some eat crystal. With these and other types of feed, some can go for a year, and others for two or three years. Some are able to go for a whole month. Like them you shouldn’t be too concerned about food.”

(*For the eternal enmity between garuḍa and nāga, a common motif in Indian literature, see in particular the drama by Harṣadeva entitled Nāgānanda**Mvy. no. 5949: ke-ke-ru, Skt. karketana, or karkatna, name of a precious stone of white colour. For more on this, see below. ***Mu-men might be used to translate Skt. vairāṭa. Some want to understand mu-men to be a type of sapphire, or an inferior grade of diamond.)


Sinbad uses his turban to tie himself to the Rok bird's leg.
Pinwell woodcut

The story told on the 549th night of the Thousand and One Nights is one about Sinbad the Sailor. Sinbad sets out on his second sea adventure and gets left behind on an island full of Rok eggs. He ties himself, using his turban, to the leg of a Rok and gets carried into a valley of huge snakes that the Roks feed on. He tells how this normally inaccessible valley was covered with diamonds that could be harvested by traveling merchants who had devised a clever method. The merchants would throw pieces of meat into the valley, then the Rok birds would carry the meat — with some diamonds sticking to it — to their nests to feed their chicks. Then the merchants would snatch the diamonds from the nest at their first opportunity. Knowing this, Sinbad tied himself to one of the pieces of meat so that the Rok lifted him up together with a whole bag full of diamonds he had collected. In short, he returns to Baghdad a very wealthy man.

Of course I recommend reading Burton’s rendering instead of the cramped retelling on display here. If that were the only comparable story to be told, that would be the end of our comparison. What Padampa’s commentator and the Sinbad story have in common is a natural enmity between snake and giant bird (the nāga and garuḍa). They could share, it may seem, the idea that the snakes are guardians of the precious stones. In Sinbad’s story, and this might be an important point, the baby birds never seem to devour the stones (but as we will see in other versions, the adult birds might). Oh, and where one is about a valley, the other is about a mountain.

Berthold Laufer long ago pointed out still other Eurasian stories ranging from China to Greece (yet oddly not much in evidence in India), and we could also point to some folk concepts surrounding diamond mining in South Africa.

Laufer found an early source in China, in a work called Memoirs of the Four Worthies or Lords of the Liang Dynasty. It tells of a forested island in the Western Sea (the Mediterranean) of Fulin (i.e., Byzantium) where the people are expert gem workers. In its northwestern direction is a ravine more than a thousand feet deep. The people throw flesh into the valley. The birds swoop down and catch the meat in their beaks, and the precious stones drop out of the meat in the process.

But this Chinese story was preceded by a 4th-century Greek story told by Epiphanius, a Cypriot bishop, in a work more generally about the twelve jewels inset into the breastplate of Jerusalem’s high priest. The story told in this Greek text agrees with the somewhat later Chinese story with its deep valley into which flesh is thrown, while the birds take up the flesh as food inadvertently bringing precious stones up with them that can then be collected.

A text Laufer believed to be the oldest Arabic minerological text, one by so-called “pseudo-Aristotle” composed in mid-9th century, makes it explicitly about Diamonds and has snakes guarding the stones. I will send you to read Laufer’s account for yourself, just to say that the 9th-century Arabic story was retold by the Persian poet Nizami (1141-1203). Then a Chinese source of the Sung period adds the interesting detail that the diamonds come from the land of the Uighurs, where the eagles gobble up the meat precious stones and all, and the diamonds come out no worse for wear in their droppings to then be collected here and there in the Gobi desert north of the Yellow River. 

The idea the diamonds might be foraged from the bird droppings is repeated in the diary of a Chinese envoy sent to visit Hulagu n Persia in 1259, and yet again in the famous and fabulous Il Milioni of Marco Polo. Laufer’s research reached further and further into the literature of Eurasia, and we will not follow him down every highway and alleyway he took, even if I have to say: His not entirely tangential footnotes on the shamir and the vajra are compelling all on their own.

So, finally, we can say that in a time that roughly corresponds to the time of our commentator, we do find surfacing a story about the birds actually eating the diamonds; well yes, maybe not on purpose, but incidentally together with the meat, the food they really wanted. 

And what of that bird named the kekeru, the very bird, as our commentator informs us, that feeds diamonds to its chicks? For this I send you outside Tibeto-logic to a newly posted blog of Dorji Wangchuk of Hamburg. See what he has to say about it and then come back here. It was Dorji’s blog that cornered me into putting up this blog in the first place. So go to The Ketaka Conundrum and try and come to terms with how the name of a precious stone could turn into the name of a bird, but come back here before you get too tangled up in it.

It might not be relevant, but poultry keepers know they often peck at shiny things. The shiny things include bits of quartz and glass and so forth. They swallow this grit so their gizzards can do their task of masticating food for the toothless creatures they are before it hits the stomach. Did people see this and imagine they were eating precious stones like diamonds? I wonder.

Today — well, since around the 1920’s or ’30’s — people often associate diamonds with weddings, and those diamonds are very finely carved and polished.* Earlier people did regard the diamond very highly, but they may not have had much experience with any of the finely faceted kinds, just the natural crystals. And they didn’t use them as much for jewelry as for tools.** The diamond awl (drill, saw, sandpaper...), in use for at least two millennia in the Roman and Indian realms, served particularly for drilling holes and for polishing other gems besides diamonds. It could cut through anything without damage to itself, this being its chief virtue.

(*On the construction of excess value for diamonds, see Proctor’s essay. **Laufer’s treatise, of course, but also Gorelick’s essay.)

And what, if anything, does any of this have to do with Padampa’s statement we started with? You tell me. But let me add a word or two. Perhaps the main source of diamonds in early Eurasia was Golconda in Andhra, in the upstream areas of the Krishna River river system. It seems that Padampa came from Andhra, from a port area on the coast (the Carasimha place of his birth has not yet been positively identified to my satisfaction). He shows elsewhere that he was quite aware of the use of the diamond as cutting tool. At the same time he seems to believe in the remarkable hardness of the turtle shell. I have to say that his knowledge of sea turtles argues for his childhood being spent near the sea. 

Look at another line in that same work by Padampa we quoted from at the beginning:

rus sbal khog pa pha lam rdzas kyi rdo rjes bcag pa ngo mtshar che //

“That the stomach shell of the turtle should be able to cut the Vajra of diamond substance is a great marvel.”

I realize there is something in the grammar trying to force us into a misreading. Clearly what the wonder is is this: that something like the turtle’s stomach shell (the plastron, known as a cutting tool since early times) could cut through the Vajra made with diamond material, and not the other way around.*

(*In effect, I allow a mid-12th century commentary to correct all the now-available versions of the root text dating to mid-13th century and later. The commentator had access to an earlier version of the text than any we now have.)

The commentator, sharing this understanding, says,

rus sbal zhes pa ni / g.yu dang mu tig dang shel las sogs pa'i dngos po bzong zhing sra ba la bzo byed pa ni / pha lam gyis byed pa yin la / pha lam la bzo byed pa ni / rus sbal gyi khog pas byed pa yin pas/ ngo mtshar che la / de bzhin gang zag 'ga' zhig rang mtho zhing bzang por rlom yang / bla ma dam pa'i gdams ngag gtad pa med pa 'dra bas kyang rang rgyud grol cing / yon tan skye ba ngo mtshar ba'i dpe'o / / 

“ ‘Turtle’ — When you are working with materials such as turquoise, pearl or crystal, the fine details are done using diamond. But if you’re working with diamond, you do it with the stomach [shell] of the turtle. This is quite amazing. Likewise, there are a few persons with high estimations of their own status and goodness who don’t seem to take the authentic guru’s precepts seriously, but nevertheless free their own minds and turn out to be talented. This is quite amazing.”

I have to confess, it is true that I am every bit as amazed as our commentator suggests I ought to be. So in conclusion, even if it breaks every rule, I would like to end with this final semi-colon — ;



Biolithobibliogastrical notes with a few suggested readings and excerpts

  • Are you curious to know what scientists are saying about mineral formations inside the bodies of mammals, birds and humans? Just do a web search for “biomineralization” or “gastroliths” and leave me alone. Thanks to Michael Walter for recommending some of these written sources about diamonds and snakes. If you are out searching the internet, don’t miss this nicely written commentary by "sunagainstgold" on Reddit. I should give biblio details for the Padampa text and its commentary, but right now I am busy working to complete translations of both. The first might get the English title, “Stream of Symbolic Language,” and the second, “Symbolic Language Disentangled.”

J. Benoit, “The African Dragon Stones: Geomyths about Snakes and the Origin of Diamonds in South Africa,” Geoheritage, vol. 17 (2025), no. 62, in 7 pages. Available with free and open access here. See also the Jeffreys and Walhouse essays listed below. 

I find it remarkable how in worldwide folklore geo processes we today would normally associate (as did classical Greeks) with underground caves can also take place inside living creatures. But then it may be worthwhile pondering in what ways our earth might be conceived of as a living being such as we are. See also our earlier blog about Horse Eggs.

Buddhagupta (Sangs-rgyas-sbas-pa), Sbas-pa'i Rgum-chung. See Namkhai Norbu, Sbas pa'i rgum chung: The Small Collection of Hidden Precepts, a Study of an Ancient Manuscript on Dzogchen fron Tun huang, Shang Shung Edizioni (Arcidosso 1984). For the English see E. dell’Angelo, tr., The Little Hidden Harvest, Shang Shung Edizioni (Arcidosso 1996), or the translation by Karen Liljenberg, a PDF for free download at http://www.zangthal.co.uk, with the title “Small Hidden Grain.” 

As yet no translator has, as far as I am aware, caught the meaning of the early Tibetan syllable rgum (also spelled sgum). Give them some time.

Richard F. Burton, The Arabian Nights Entertainment. I do recommend you read the second voyage of Sinbad. The most convenient way is simply to go to the “Sacred-Texts” website at this particular page

Christopher John Duffin, “Alectorius: The Cock’s Stone,” Folklore, vol. 118 no. 3 (December 2007), pp. 325-341. See also Forbes, below.

——, “The Western Lapidary Tradition in Early Geological Literature: Medicinal and Magical Minerals,” Geology Today, vol. 21, no. 2 (March 2005), pp. 58-63. Although largely about medicinal use of minerals, interesting for underlining some early geological ideas that indeed did draw conclusions based on observation.

Thomas R. Forbes, “The Capon Stone,” Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, vol. 49, no. 1 (January 1973), pp. 46-51. Crystalline stones called alectoriae were said already by Pliny to be findable in the stomachs of roosters. These would be the poultry equivalent of the “Horse Eggs” we blogged about before. Of course chickens, being toothless, ingest grains of sand that assist the gizzard, a kind of pre-stomach, in processing rougher foods. I am not sure how to locate the key to open this lock, but there may be something in this that once fed into our legend of the diamond eating bird. See also the just listed 2007 essay by Duffin.

Leonard Gorelick & A. John Gwinnett, “Diamonds from India to Rome and Beyond,” American Journal of Archaeology, vol. 92, no. 4 (October 1988), pp. 547-552. This develops on the diamonds-as-tools theme familiar to us already from Laufer, q.v., although Laufer calls them “diamond-points.”

Harṣadeva (Dga'-ba'i-lha, 600-647 CE), King of Kashmir, Nāgānanda (Klu kun-tu dga'-ba zhes bya-ba'i zlos-gar), Tôhoku no. 4154; Dergé Tanjur, vol. U, folios 225r.2-252r.7. Translation done at Sa-skya by Shong-ston Rdo-rje-rgyal-mtshan and Lakṣmīkara, at the behest of Dpon-chen Shākya-bzang-po (d. 1270).

M.D.W. Jeffreys, “Snake Stones,” Journal of the Royal African Society, vol. 41, no. 165 (October 1942), pp. 250-253. This, along with the Walhouse essay that is more on ideas in the Indian subcontinent, suggests widespread associations between wealth-protecting serpents and their often magical stones. These stones might be found ornamenting their heads, or found inside them — or the snakes might protect and own the stones in still other ways.

Samuli Juntunen, “Sindbad the Sailor,” an essay posted at researchgate.net.

Berthold Laufer, The Diamond: A Study in Chinese and Hellenistic Folk-Lore, Field Museum Museum of Natural History Publication 184 (Chicago 1915). Now over a century old, this is still by far the most recommended writing if you would like to pursue the subject further. For a free PDF, go to archive.org. See p. 11 for his specific discussion of Sinbad the Sailor.

D. Martin, “Crystals and Images from Bodies, Hearts and Tongues from Fire: Points of Relic Controversy from Tibetan History,” contained in: Tibetan Studies, Naritasan Shinshoji (Narita 1992), vol. 1, pp. 183-191. On competing Tibetan ideas about the signs of saintly death.

Marco Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo: The Complete Yule-Cordier Edition, Dover Publications (New York 1993), vol. 2, pp. 360-361:

“It is in this kingdom [of Mutfili] that diamonds are got ; and I will tell you how. There are certain lofty mountains in those parts ; and when the winter rains fall, which are very heavy, the waters come roaring down the mountains in great torrents. When the rains are over, and the waters from the mountains have ceased to flow, they search the beds of the torrents and find plenty of diamonds. In summer also there are plenty to be found in the mountains, but the heat of the sun is so great that it is scarcely possible to go thither, nor is there then a drop of water to be found. Moreover in those mountains great serpents are rife to a marvellous degree, besides other vermin, and this owing to the great heat. The serpents are also the most venomous in existence, insomuch that any one going to that region runs fearful peril ; for many have been destroyed by these evil reptiles.

“Now among these mountains there are certain great and deep valleys, to the bottom of which there is no access. Wherefore the men who go in search of the diamonds take with them pieces of flesh, as lean as they can get, and these they cast into the bottom of a valley. Now there are numbers of white eagles that haunt those mountains and feed upon the serpents. When the eagles see the meat thrown down they pounce upon it and carry it up to some rocky hill-top where they begin to rend it. But there are men on the watch, and as soon as they see that the eagles have settled they raise a loud shouting to drive them away. And when the eagles are thus frightened away the men recover the pieces of meat, and find them full of diamonds which have stuck to the meat down in the bottom. For the abundance of diamonds down there in the depths of the valleys is astonishing, but nobody can get down ; and if one could, it would be only to be incontinently devoured by the serpents which are so rife there.

“There is also another way of getting the diamonds. The people go to the nests of those white eagles, of which there are many, and in their droppings they find plenty of diamonds which the birds have swallowed in devouring the meat that was cast into the valleys. And, when the eagles themselves are taken, diamonds are found in their stomachs.

“So now I have told you three different ways in which these stones are found. No other country but this kingdom of Mutfili produces them, but there they are found both abundantly and of large size. Those that are brought to our part of the world are only the refuse, as it were, of the finer and larger stones. For the flower of the diamonds and other large gems, as well as the largest pearls, are all carried to the Great Kaan and other Kings and Princes of those regions; in truth they possess all the great treasures of the world.”

On the kingdom of Mutfili/Mutifili, see Paul Pelliot’s Notes on Marco Polo, pp. 787-788; it is normally identified as the Andhran seaport used for shipping the diamonds found in the Golconda mines. It is likely Marco Polo landed at this seaport in 1292 on his return journey to Italy.

Robert N. Proctor, “Anti-Agate: The Great Diamond Hoax and the Semiprecious Stone Scam,” Configurations, vol. 9 (2001), pp. 381-412, at p. 387:

“For most of recorded history, all known diamonds (in our sense) came from India—mostly from one single valley, in fact, in the Kingdom of Golconda in the gorge cut by the Krisna River in what is now the state of Hyderabad.”

On page 388, Proctor helpfully points out that diamonds tend to stick to grease, which could explain why diamonds would adhere to cuts of meat, helping us with one significant element of the Diamond Valley story.

Jetze Touber, “Stones of Passion: Stones in the Internal Organs as Liminal Phenomena between Medical and Religious Knowledge in Renaissance Italy,” Journal of the History of Ideas, vol. 74, no. 1 (January 2013), pp. 23-44. There was a time when Italy of the Late Middle Ages counted among the recognized signs of a saintly death the formation of stones in bodily remains recovered post mortem. This may bear contrasting with a Tibetan phenomena called ring-bsrel, although these last tend to appear on external surfaces, particularly on bone, generally seen after cremation and not after autopsy. Tibetanists will take notice how visual images related to the devotional practices of the deceased Italian saint might be imprinted on various parts of the body’s interior. This phenomenon Tibetan relic literature simply calls [honorific] Body (Sku). It is a pity to admit it, but I know of no Tibetan passage that intelligibly details any theories of mineral production. Italians knew of a few, including ideas about astral interference. In any case, some early Italians did imagine a macrocosm-microcosm parallel process taking place both in the caves of the earth and in the interior of the body. This I learned to my amazement.

M.J. Walhouse, “Archaeology Notes II.—Folklore,—Snake-stones,” Indian Antiquary, vol. 4 (1875), pp 45-46. For a very recent newspaper article debunking the “pearls” in the heads of cobras, look here.

A note on illustrations

The first and last are just two photos of birds I took in recent decades in faraway places, the first in Jerusalem and the last in Koh Samui.

Monday, September 02, 2024

Seven Women, a Unique Padampa Text from Bhutan

Guru Rinpoche, with Nyangrel and so on
(see below) HAR 160.

 

  • I’ve written before about how there were in the 11th-12th centuries, several popular Buddhist movements that virtually disappeared from history, yet may have had some impact. Led by laypeople, including laywomen, their memory has survived in what amounts to little more than lists, lists that represent different ways of grouping them. Despite or because of the fact that their Buddhist orthodoxy was and still could be framed in different ways, they become all the more important for historians in our contemporary world. I mean in particular historians who need to factor them into some broader understanding of the emergence of the Buddhist schools or sects that were at that very time beginning to take shape and eventually gaining broader social recognition.  And they demonstrate that women could indeed achieve leadership roles in those times.

     

While in Rome last winter, one of the Tucci Collection’s Tibetan texts seized my attention more than any other. It contained Guru Rinpoche Padmasambhava’s individual teachings to seven different women.* It took me some time before I remembered that I had already encountered another text that similarly contained answers to questions asked by a set of seven women. Only in that case it was not Padmasambhava, but Padampa in the role of Teacher. It looks as if this Padampa work uniquely survives in two sets of Cutting and Zhijé teachings transmitted by Drubtob Ngödrub (Grub-thob-dngos-grub) to Nyangrel Nyima Özer and preserved in manuscripts kept at Tsakaling and Drametsé in Bhutan. Knowing that the two persons just named are the very same ones commonly awarded the lion’s share of responsibility for revealing the Mani Kambum, we might expect to find a thing or two in common.**

(*I talked about this Tucci manuscript and its parallel in Mani Kambum in a very recent blog entry, “Seven Women: The Padmasambhava Text from Rome.” **A parallel passage was found by simply searching for "bu khyo" in BUDA etext repository, nothing more mysterious than that.  Bu khyo means ‘child[ren] & husband[s].’)


The two seven-fold sets of Tibetan women have no members in common, as you may observe in this chart allowing you to compare their names with ease and to observe the total mismatch. Well, one thing that does match, and I believe this is significant, is the sevenness of the women.

Chart for comparing the names of the seven women in
the Padampa and the Padmasambhava texts


As I said, there are two existing manuscripts of the Padampa Seven Women text. Neither has been published in any form to the best of my knowledge, although both have been posted on the world-wide web (the specific titles were not cataloged or otherwise listed there, and for that reason are not accessible through any internet search tool; I've listed those titles below in Appendices A & B). Both were preserved in the eastern half of Bhutan, one in the Nyingma monastery of Drametsé, the other in Tsakaling. Here is the one from Drametsé:


The Drametsé manuscript. Full transcription appended below


The Drametsé colophon you see here below belongs to the text that comes immediately before the one on the women. 




I put it on display here because it states clearly the names of those two Buddhist masters traditionally known for revealing the Mani Kambum, but also because it says its scribing took place at the main site of Nyangrel’s activity in his later life, Mabochok ( སྨྲ་བོ་ཅོག ). I suppose this information ought to apply to all the texts in the set. As I said, complete title outlines for both of the Bhutan collections are appended below for the sake of Tibetan readers curious about what else may be found in them. Also, the seven women texts from both the Drametsé and Tsakaling manuscripts have been typed in Roman transcription below. I placed them in adjacent paragraphs for ease of comparison. I haven’t managed to supply full English translations, and I apologize for that. I hope to return to this task another time. In the meantime, feel free to try your hand at it. Or, if you believe it will return a good enough result, try the automated translation service of Dharmamitra.


Right now I will limit myself to the second of the seven women, Gyatingma, the most interesting and useful figure for making some significant points. Her name, meaning ‘China Blue,’ is listed among all the groupings of leaders of popular movements active in Tibet during the post-imperial pre-Mongol era. This lends her a special significance, even if she is scarcely traceable in the literature otherwise (try conducting a BUDA etext search for her if you like). And, as we’ll show, the teachings given to her by Padampa in this early text do indeed closely echo teachings attributed to those popular movements in subsequent polemics. Here is the passage, translated with the help of both Bhutanese manuscripts (I added underlining for emphasis):


To Zhangmo Gyatingma he said, “The view is free of expectations. Free yourself of the bondage of your thoughts. Meditate, but do it without any mental focus. Don’t settle your attention on a mental object. The conduct is free of lust and compulsion. Perform crazy actions, and abandon the social mind. The goal means to have no connection between thoughts and things. Recognize sangsara as a label, act without anxiety over outcomes, while rightly dividing thoughts and things. Persist in your Dharma practice and regardless of being a woman don’t get lost in the dharma, you need to divorce from desire and thoughts. When you become a yogini you need to do without ordinary friends. To create a rift with sangsara, you need to leave children behind and leave. A warrior woman entering the occupied zone must have cut loose all modesty and shame. If she does so, Gyatingma will become a sterling yogini.”


The most pertinent thing to observe about this passage, for present purposes, is the idea to entirely separate thoughts and things. This passage could have really served as the reference point for the 13th-century polemical passage from the Single Intention. Two of the Four Children of Pehar were women, and notice that it attributes the “disconnection of thoughts with things” idea not to Gyatingma, but to the other woman, Gyacham. We may accept that this is a simple confusion of identities, as we are so used to such switching of identities of women in these early centuries. Simply put, the Padampa Seven Women text is very likely a source for the polemic. It’s the only possible source I know of.



If you are interested in the broader question of popular lay Buddhist movements in pre-Mongol era Tibet, I have a few essays I could recommend. I cannot cover all of that now, so give this chart a quick look:

 


 

By tossing my various sources together I deliberately made the chart look messy hoping to reflect the uncertainty we face in dealing with such an under-documented phenomenon. I admittedly tend toward accepting the categorizations of Nyangrel, as his is the only somehow sympathetic source. Each in its own way, all the others place them outside the pale of Buddhist orthodoxy. Well, our Seven Women text, in the case of only one of the Four Children of Pehar, gives support to his positive valuation, and this may not be unexpected, knowing that all the Seven Women texts were in some way produced or transmitted by him and his circles.


Here is a translation of the passage on the Four Children of Pehar from the Single Intention:


There were four people captured by spirits by the names Shel-mo Rgya-lcam, Zhang-mo Rgya-'thing, 'O-lam Bha-ru and Bso Kha-'tham. Each of these four had their own particular philosophical claims.


The first believed that thoughts and objects are not interconnected. When Shel-mo’s husband was killed by another man, she felt great grief but did not want to weep in front of others. So she went to a cave with people carrying tsha-tsha and remained there for a long time crying. When she got exhausted, Pe-kar came from the sky and said to her,


“Do not cry. There is absolutely no connection between your thoughts and external objects. If there were, since you cry thinking about your husband, he ought to return to you as before; you cried and called out, but still no husband.”


Hearing these words, she thought about them and decided they were true. She went into a meeting at the lower end of that same valley, where a teacher was explaining Dharma to five hundred students and started dancing.


“Thoughts and things have no connection. 

The very idea must be rejected—

by teacher, student and teaching three—

that they are the least bit interconnected.”


she said as she danced, and everyone, teacher and students included, got up and started dancing all at once. They became her followers, calling the cave where she had stayed Prophecy Relic Cave.


Now I fully realize that the identities of the two women among the Four Children have been exchanged, and the teaching about thoughts and things having no connection is ascribed first to one and then the other. We just have to learn to live with this kind of problem. It’s something we see quite often in accounts of Tibetan women, the confusion between Zhama and Labdrön being only the best-known example (see Lo Bue’s essay), and these are by far the two most prominent women religious leaders of the time.

It would make sense, as much as it might seem unnecessary, to underline that what we have here are very significant early documents for women’s studies that have so far been unknown or unrecognized.* This neglect is not at all surprising, since their manuscripts have never been edited or published in ways that would have made them accessible to researchers. That’s no longer true, as of today.

(*Of course they were well hidden in monastic collections in eastern Bhutan with very limited access, and Karma Phuntso deserves the lion’s share of the credit for bringing these rare and precious texts out of their retirement.)


A lot of issues are tugging at us from the peripheries but we ought to overlook them and finish up for now. My main aim has been to point out the various “Seven Women” texts as a type of small sub-genre of early Tibetan literature. I have and will put the material out there for further study as it has significance for future histories of women and popular religious movements. I haven’t “mastered” it or analyzed it in detail, I leave the main part of that for others. 

I believe I’ve been able, in recent blogs, to demonstrate previously undetected textual relations between the Nyingma and Zhijé schools in the 12th century, and more specifically relations implicating the revealers of the Mani Kambum. I’ve suggested a few lines of research that might prove worthwhile to pursue, avenues that with luck will see their way clear to brighten our shared Tibeto-logical future of burgeoning knowledge and personal fulfillment for all...

and to all a good night.




Suggested reading

Cathy Cantwell, “Myang ral Nyi ma ’od zer (1134-1192): Authority and Authorship in the Coalescing of the rNying ma Tantric Tradition,” Medieval Worlds, vol. 12 (2020), pp. 68-79.

Daniel Hirshberg, Remembering the Lotus Born: Padmasambhava in the History of Tibet’s Golden Age, Wisdom (Somerville 2016). If you are too pressed for time to read entire books, read Cantwell’s essay or Hirshberg’s own “Nyangrel Nyima Wozer” in Treasury of Lives website.

Erberto Lo Bue, “A Case of Mistaken Identity: Ma-gcig Labs-sgron and Ma-gcig Zha-ma,” contained in: Per Kvaerne, ed., Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 6th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Fagernes 1992, The Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture (Oslo 1994), pp. 481-490. Look here if you need a good example of women’s identities getting mixed around.

Dan Martin, “Lay Religious Movements in Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Tibet: A Survey of Sources,” Kailash (Kathmandu), vol. 18 (1996), pp. 23-55.

——, “The Star King and the Four Children of Pehar: Popular Religious Movements of Eleventh- to Twelfth-century Tibet,” Acta Orientalia Hungarica (Budapest), vol. 49, pts. 1-2 (1996), pp. 171-195.

Nyangrel’s History:  Nyang Nyi-ma-’od-zer, Chos-’byung Me-tog Snying-po Sbrang-rtsi’i Bcud, Gangs-can Rig-mdzod series no. 5, Bod-ljongs Mi-dmangs Dpe-skrun-khang (Lhasa 1988). TBRC no. W7972. 

Here is the passage relevant to China Blue at p. 494:

དུས་དེ་ཙ་ན་ཟར་སྟག་སྣའི་ཞང་པོ་རྒྱ་འཐིང་ལས་རྣལ་འབྱོར་སྨྱོན་ཚོ་དང་། རྩི་རིའི་འོ་ལ་འབའ་སུ་ལས་རྣལ་འབྱོར་བྱར་མེད་དང་། རུ་མཚམས་ཀྱི་རྒྱལ་བ་སྲོ་ཁ་འཐམས་ལས་མེ་ཆུ་གོ་ལོག་པ་དང་། དབུས་ཀྱི་ཤེ་མོ་རྒྱ་ལྕམ་ལས། གློང་ནག་པོ་རྒྱ་འཛམ།〔དེ་〕ལ་འཕུར་ཚོ་ཞེས་ཟེར་ཏེ། ཤངས་ཀྱི་རྣལ་འབྱོར་སྟག་ཚོ་དང་། རྫི་ལུང་གི་མགོས་ཚོས་ཁ་བསྐངས་པ་འདི་རྣམས་ལ། རྣལ་འབྱོར་ནག་པོ་དྲུག་ཟེར། ཁོང་རང་གིས་སྒྲུབ་བརྒྱུད་བཟང་པོར་བྱེད། ལོ་པཎ་གྱི་རྗེས་སུ་འབྲེང་བ་རྣམས་ནི་ཁོང་གི་དེ་རྣམས་རྡོལ་ཆོས་སུ་བྱེད། གཞན་ཡང་བོད་ཡུལ་འདིར་མཁས་པ། བཟང་བ། གྲུབ་ཐོབ། འཁྲུལ་ཞིག རྟོགས་ལྡན་ཇི་སྙེད་བྱོན་ན་ཡང་། རྣམ་ཐར་རྣམས་བྲིས་ན་སྤྲོ་བ་སྐྱེ་བར་འགྱུར་མོད་ཀྱི། བསམ་གྱིས་མི་ཁྱབ་པས་འདིར་སྤྲོས་ན་ཡི་གེ་མང་བར་འཇིགས་པས་མ་བྲིས་སོ། བསྟན་པ་ཕྱི་དར་གྱི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ཞབས་སུ་བཏགས་པའོ།།

  • I lament — and apologize for — the momentary unavailability of the Endangered Archives Programme’s texts from Bhutan. This is due to a widely-reported Cyber Incident that created much hardship and wasted energy for so many around the globe, not only the many employees of the British Library.


§   §   §


The Frontispiece  

Said to belong to the 13th century, as it very well might, this painting has the Precious Teacher Padmasambhava as its central figure flanked by his Tibetan and Indian wives (practically mirror images of each other). The somewhat smaller figure beneath them is surely Nyangrel Nyima Özer, and if you look up in the upper right corner there is a set of three figures. The middle of the three is Padampa, with only a minimum of doubt in my mind, making it a very probable Padampa.


§   §   §


The Two Bhutan Manuscripts of the Seven Women

Note: Below please find the Drametsé manuscript typed out in black, while the Tsakaling manuscript is in blue and indented. This was done to make it easy to check one against the other (tables formatting could not be used here). I have put the women’s names in dark red for emphasis (in the Drametsé only). Both transcriptions have been checked a second time for accuracy. Abbreviated spellings have mostly been tacitly resolved, although misspellings were supposed to be given as is (notice bu-med for bud-med and the like), without always pointing them out. Occasionally corrected spellings are suggested in square brackets.

The word cho-lu, or chol-bu in the title is especially significant, as it suggests it belongs to the earliest collection of Padampa texts that was made, the no longer extant collection (called Cho[l]-lu'i skor) by Kunga done in circa 1100 CE. The Drametsé is supposed to be part 16 (as indicated by the keyletter MA) of the larger collection of Padampa-related texts.

The folios of the Tsakaling are marked with the six-syllable mantra instead of folio numbers.  The Tsakaling has a very significant colophon [6r.2] informing us it was scribed by Teacher Sengé based on the personal copy of the Great Nyang (bud med la gdams pa cho lu'i skor / rdzogs so // phyi rabs rjes 'jug la phan par gyur cig / nyang chen po'i phyag yig steng nas / ston seng ges bris / cig zhu). The Great Nyang is of course the famous Nyangrel Nyima Özer. Who else could it be?

The differences between the two manuscripts are mostly minor (they even share some otherwise very unusual misspellings). My reason for respecting the autonomy of the two texts rather than crafting a single critical edition out of them is to try and understand what the two otherwise uniquely existing texts have to do with each other. I suspect that the Drametsé was directly copied to create the Tsakaling, but may need to give the problem more thought. If so, the personal copy of the Great Nyang mentioned in the Tsakaling would be none other than the Drametsé. I’d like to know your thoughts on this problem if anything occurs to you.

 

 

TITLE:  MA - Dam pas bu med bdun la gdams pa'i chol lus skor bzhugs.ho [=Bud med bdun la gdams pa'i cho lu'i skor].

[scan photo no. 93, or fol. OM recto, title page] Dam pas bu med bdun la gdam pa'i chol lu'i skor bzhugs s.ho mangga lam [~Dam pas bud med bdun la gdams pa'i cho lu'i skor]. 


[1v] bla ma dam pa rnams la phyag 'tshal lo //

bla ma dam pa rnams la phyag 'tshal lo /


dam pa rgya gar de gang zag rang rgyud pa men ste // sprul pa'i sku byang chub sems dpa' yin ste / skal ldan rnams la thugs rjes gzigs pas 'gro ba'i mgon po // rnal 'byor pho mo lnga bcu tsa bzhi'i grub thob kyi bsnyan rgyud kyi gdams pa mnga' ba / 'jam dpal sgra ba'i seng ge [~smra ba'i seng ge] dang zhal mjal bas / sangs rgyas gnyis pa'i sras su gyurd pa / sgron ma [~sgrol ma] dang rje btsun ma rnal 'byor ma la rtsog pa'i mkha' 'gro ma'i lung bstan thob pa /  [2r]  mchog thun mong gi dngos grub gnyis la mnga' mnyes pa / 'dzam bu gling gi rgyan gcig po // lhag par du bod la bka' drin che ba / a tsa ra nag po chen po gzi mdangs can / chos la bar na lo tsha'i lhad med pa / rang skad du ston pa / dam pa thugs rje can de / las stod ding ri na bzhugs pa'i dus su / bud med las khyad du 'phags pa bdun /

dam pa rgya gar de gang zag rang rgyud pa men ste / sprul pa'i sku byang chub sems dpa' yin ste / skal ldan rnams la thugs rjes gzigs pas 'gro ba'i mgon po / rnal 'byor pho mo lnga bcu tsa bzhi'i grub thob kyi bsnyan rgyud yi gdams pa mnga' ba / 'jam dpal sgra ba'i seng ge [~smra ba'i seng ge] dang zhal mjal bas / sangs rgyas gnyis pa'i sras su gyurd pa / sgron ma [~sgrol ma?] dang rje btsun ma rnal 'byor ma la rtsogs pa'i mkha' 'gro ma'i lung bstan thob pa / mchog thun mo[ng] gi dngos grub gnyis la mnga' mnyes pa / 'dzam bu gling gi rgyan gcig po / lhag par du bod la bka' drin che ba / a tsar nag po chen po gzi mdangs can / chos la bar na lo tsha ba'i lhad med pa / rang skad du ston pa / dam pa thugs rje can de / la stod ding ri na bzhugs pa'i dus su / bud med las khyad du 'phags pa bdun / 

tsi mo rnam kha' gsal [~tsi mo nam mkha' gsal] /

tsi mo rnam kha' [fol. MA] gsal /

zhang mo rgya mthing ma /

zhang mo rgya mthing ma / 

jo zhwa chung ma /

ma jo zhwa chung ma / 

ma jo rje chung ma /

ma jo rje chung ma / 

ma jo rong chung ma /

ma jo rong chung ma / 

ma jo glan chung ma /

ma jo glen chung ma / 

ma jo zhang chung ma /

ma jo zhang chung ma /

skye ba sman kyang mtshan ldan mkha' 'gro mas byin gyis brlabs pa bdun gyis / gser gyi man rdal phul tshogs kyi 'khor lo mdzad nas / dam pa la phyag dang skor ba byas nas zhus pa /

skye ba sman kyang mtshan ldan mkha' 'gro mas byin gyis brlabs pa bdun gyis / gser gyi man rdal phul tshogs kyi 'khor lo mdzad nas / dam pa la phyag dang skor ba byas nas zhus pa /  ±  /  

rje rin po che sprul pa'i sku / a li ka li'i gsung / rig pa'i ye shes kyi thug[s] / bdag cag bu med 'dra ba skye ba sman pas snying rus med / [2v] las ngan pas lus la dgra yod / bya ba mang la g.yeng ba che bas / chos mi khom / 'on kyang dam pas gdam ngag tshig bzhis grol nus pa ci zhu dgos pas / gnang par mdzod ci zhes bu med bdun gyis 'grin ci du [~mgrin gcig tu] zhus pas / dam pas gdams pa re re snang pa'o //

rje rin po che sprul pa'i sku / [insert here? a li ka li'i gsung] rig pa'i ye shes kyi thug / bdag cag bu med 'dra ba skye ba sman pas snying rus med / las ngan pas lus la dgra yod / bya ba mang la g.yeng pa che bas / <chos mi khom> 'on kyang dam pas gdam ngag tshig bzhi bzhis grol nus pa gcig zhu dgos pas / gnang par mdzod cig zhes bud med bdun gyis mgrin gcig tu zhus pas / dam pas gdams pa re re snang pa'o //

tsi mo nam mkha' gsal la / lta ba phyogs lhung mtha' bral yin no // rig pa rten dang phrol la blo'i snems thag chod / sgom pa rang gsal 'dzin med yin no // 

§§  tsi mo nam kha' gsal [~nam mkha' gsal] la / lta ba phyogs lhung mtha' bral yin no / rig pa rten dang phrol la [fol. MA verso] blo'i snyems thag chod / sgom pa rang gsal 'dzin med yin no // 

sems nyid lhug pa ngos zung gcig / spyod pa shugs byung 'gag med yin no // shes pa la 'khris ma bzhag gcig / 'bras bu rang byung ye gnas yin no //

sems nyid lhag pa ngos zung cig / spyod pa shugs byung 'gag med yin no //  shes pa la 'khris ma bzhag cig / 'bras bu rang byung ye gnas yin no // 

re dogs kyi blo sol gcig / chos byed na khyim thab kyi blo ma bstang na sdug bsngal gyi brtson ra las mi thar / 'dod pa'i blo ma bstang na zas nor la chog shes med / gdung sems kyi blo ma bstang na / [3r]  bu khyo'i 'khri ba mi chod / ngo tsha dang khrel 'dzem gyi blo ma bstang na / nam mkha' gsal la rnal 'byor ma dka' por mchi 'o gsung // 

re dogs kyi blo sol cig / chos byed na khyim thab kyi blo ma bstang na sdug bsngal gyi brtson ra las mi thar / 'dod pa'i blo ma bstang na zas nor la chog shes med / gdung sems kyi blo ma bstang na / bu khyo'i 'khris mi chod / ngo tsha dang khrel 'dzem gyi blo ma bstang na / nam mkha' gsal la rnal 'byor ma dkar por mchi'o gsung //  

zhang mo rgya mthing la / lta ba 'dod pa dang bral ba yin no // blo yi 'ching pa khrol gcig / bsgom pa dmigs pa dang bral ba yin no / blo yi yul du ma bzhag gcig / spyod pa chags zhen med pa yin no // 

§§  zhang mo rgya mthing la / lta ba 'dod pa rang bral ba yin no // blo yi 'ching pa khrol cig / bsgom pa dmigs pa dang bral ba yin no / blo yi yul du ma bzhag cig / spyod pa chags zhen med pa yin no // 

smyon spyod gyis la mi'i blo thong / 'bras bu blo dngos 'brel med yin no // 'khor ba ming du shes par gyis la blo dngos gyi shan phye la re dogs med par gyis / nan tar chos byed na bud med yin yang chos la mi sto ste / 'dod pa dang blo 'brel dgos / rnal 'byor ma byed na tha' mal gyi grogs dang 'bral dgos / 'khor ba dang dbyes byed na bu tsha rgyab du 'bor dgos / dpa' mo khrom shog pa gcig byed na / ngo tsha dang khrel shor ba gcig dgos /  [3v] de tsho byas na rgya mthing ma la / rnal 'byor ma gsha' ma gcig 'ong gsung ngo //

smyon spyod gyis la mi'i blo thong / [fol. NI recto] 'bras bu blo dngos 'brel med yin no // 'khor ba ming du shes par gyis la / blo dngos gyi shan phye la re dogs med par gyis / rgyor ma byed na tha mal // nan tar chos byed na bud med yin yang chos la mi lto ste / 'dod pa dang blo 'brel dgos / rnal 'byor ma byed na tha' mal gyi grogs dang 'bral dgos // 'khor ba dang dbyes byed na bu tsha rgyab tu 'bor dgos // dpa' mo khrom shog pa cig byed na / ngo tsha dang khrel shor ba cig dgos / de tsho byas na rgya mthing ma la / rnal 'byor ma gsha' ma cig 'ong gsung ngo // § //

dam pas ma cho zhas chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba mtha' bral rten med yin no // stag chad kyi mtha' la ma bskur gcig / bsgom pa rang gsal rang 'byung yin no // bying rgod kyi dgra la ma bskur gcig / spyod pa rang shar rang grol yin no // tshul 'chos kyi skyon la ma bskur cig / 'bras bu ma bsgrubs rang 'byung yin no  // 

§§ dam pas ma cho zhas chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba mtha' bral rten med yin no / stag chad kyi mtha' la ma bskur cig / bsgom pa rang gsal rang 'byung yin no / bying rgod kyi dgra la ma bskur te / spyod pa rang shar rang grol yin no / tshul 'chos kyi skyon la [fol. NI verso] ma bskur cig / 'bras bu ma bsgrubs rang 'byung yin no / 

'dod pa'i blo ma bstang cig / chos byed na rnam rtog tsad bcad na / rig pa'i zhal mthong ste bu med rnam rtog mang / nyon mongs tsad bcad na rang grol gyi zhal mthong te / bud med nyon mongs pa rag / snang ba'i tshad bcad na / stong pa'i zhal mthong ste / bu med mngon zhen che / sems nyid tsad chod na chos sku'i zhal mthong ste / bu med bsam bsno mang / chos byed na bya mthong la [4r] bla ma'i thad du sgoms / sangs rgyas de khad kyis zhal mthong gcig gsung ngo //

'dod pa'i blo ma bstad cig / chos byed na rnam rtog tsad bcad na / rig pa'i zhal mthong ste bud med rnam rtog mang / nyon mongs tsad bcad na rang grol gyi zhal mthong te / bud med nyon mongs pa rag snang pa'i tsad bcad na / stong pa'i zhal mthong ste / bud med mngon zhen che / sems nyid tsad chod na chos sku'i zhal mthong ste / bud med bsam bsno mang / chos byed na bya mthong la bla ma'i thad du sgoms / sangs rgyas de khad kyis zhal mthong 'ong gcig gsung ngo /

dam pas jo mo rje chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba rang 'byung ye shes yin no // rang gsal sems kyi me long ltos gcig / bsgom pa 'od gsal lhan skyes yin no // rang dang lhan skyes 'grogs / spyod pa rang 'byung rgyun gnas yin no shes pa'i rtsi yis zung / 'bras bu lhan gcig skyes sbyor yin no rang ngo shes par gyis / 

§§ dam pas jo mo rje chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba rang 'byung ye shes yin no / rang gsal sems kyi me long ltos cig / bsgom pa 'od gsal lhan skyes yin no / rang dang lhan skyes 'grogs / spyod pa rang 'byung rgyun gnas yin [fol. PAD recto] no shes pa'i rtsa yis zung / 'bras bu lhan cig skyes sbyor yin no rang ngo shes par gyis / 

rje chung ma nan tar chos byed na / bu g.yas su sod na zhe sdang rtsad chod / bu mo g.yon du sod la 'dod chag[s] kyi gshis phyung / snang ba la med chug la 'dod yon rlung la skur / shel rgong glang la skor la sems la nyon mongs pa ma 'jog / nam mkha'i mthongs su sdod la / stong nyid ngang la nyol / skye rgas na 'chi'i chu bo bzhi la skyel ma tshol de [4v] ltar byas na bu med kyi lus 'di bor nas nub phyogs padma can du skye bar gda'i gsung ngo // 

rje chung ma nan ltar chos byed na / bu g.yas su sod la zhe sdang rtsad chod / bu mo g.yon du sod la 'dod chag kyi gshis phyung / snang ba la med chug la 'dod yon rlung la skur / shel rgong glad la skor la sems la nyon mongs pa ma 'jog / nam mkha'i mthongs su sdod la / stong nyid ngang la nyol / skye rgas na 'chi'i chu bo bzhi la skyel ma tshol de ltar byas na bud med kyi lus 'di bor nas nub phyogs pad ma can du skye bar gda'i gsung ngo //

dam pas ma jo rong chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba 'gyur med sdeng ldan yin no // nyam nga med par khyer / sgom pa rang 'byung rgyun gnas yin no // bying sgod grogs su khyer / spyod pa cir snang grogs shar yin no // 'gro nyal 'dug sdod skyongs / 'bras bu spangs thob med pa yin no // rang la gnas pas chog / 

§§ dam pas ma jo rong chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba 'gyur med sdeng ldan yin no / nyam nga med par khyer // sgom pa rang 'byung rgyun gnas yin no // bying rgod grogs su khyer / spyod pa cir snang grogs shar yin no // 'gro nyal 'dug sdod [fol. PAD verso] skyongs // 'bras bu spangs thob med pa yin no / rang la gnas pas chog / 

rong chung ma snying gi dkyil na 'od me long tsam gcig gda'o // de la lta nus na bla ma gcig nang nas 'char ste / bu med gti mug che / mdun gyi nam mkha' la shel gyi mchod rten gda' ste / de la lta nus na bla ma gcig phyi nas ston te / bu med mngon zhen che / byung tshor gyi rtog pa la ngos bzung 'dug gam mi 'dug bltas na / rang grol gyi slob dpon gcig 'ong bar gda' ste / bu med yab  [5r]  yeb che / bya ba thong la lta stog thong dang / bu med yin yang grol te 'ong gis gsung ngo //

rong chung ma snying gi dkyil na 'od me long tsam gcig gda'o // de la lta nus na bla ma gcig nang nas 'char ste / bud med gti mug che / mdun gyi nam mkha' la shel gyi mchod rten gda' ste / de la lta nus na bla ma gcig phyi nas ston te / bud med mngon zhen che / byung tshor gyi rtog pa la ngos bzung 'dug <gam mi 'dug> bltas na // rang grol gyi slob dpon gcig 'ong bar gda' ste / bud med yab yeb che / bya ba thong la lta stog thong dang // bud med yin yang grol te 'ong gis gsung ngo //

dam pas ma jo glan chung ma la gdams pa / glan chung ma lta ba 'gyur med sdeng ldan yin no // rig pa gtsal phyung / bsgom pa smyug ma rang gnas yin no // rnam rtog 'gag du chug / spyod pa skyes grol dus mnyam yin no // nyon mongs pa brtsan chod gyis / 'bras bu sku gsum rang gnas yin no // rang la rang ngo rtogs / 

§§ dam pas ma jo glan chung ma la gdams pa / glan chung ma lta ba 'gyur med sdeng ldan yin no / rig pa gtsal [~rtsal] phyung / bsgom pa smyug ma rang gnas yin no /  rnam rtog 'gag du chug / spyod pa skyes grol dus mnyam yin no /  nyon mongs pa brtson chod gyis [fol. ME recto] 'bras bu sku gsum rang gnas yin no / rang la rang ngo rtogs / 

glan chung ma / tshe srog tswa kha'i zil pa 'gra ba la / bu med kun chos mi dran par / 'chi bas mi 'jigs pa dpe med / sgyu lus mi stag na bun 'dra ba la / g.yu nor go log la tshis byas nas lus la stag par 'dzin pa dpe med / mi stag pa 'chi bas 'jigs pa myur 'ong pa la / las dang bya ba la yen nas / dge sbyor le lo  [5v]  'jog pa dpe med / 'jig rten 'khor ba'i sdug bsngal mthong tsam na / zhen pa rang log du mi 'gro ba / bu tsha'i sdug bsngal la rgyun du mthong ba dpe med /  rdzogs pa'i sangs rgyas rang la yod pa la / bla ma'i gdam ngag mi nyan par / bu med kyis chos mi 'ong zer ba'i dpe med / de ltar ma byed par bu med la gros thob dang / glan chung ma gsung ngo //

glan chung ma / tshe srog tswa kha'i zil pa 'gra ba la / bud med kun chos mi dran par / 'chi bas mi 'jigs pa dpe med / sgyu lus mi stag na 'un [~na bun?] 'gra ba la / g.yu nor go log la tshis byas nas lus la stag par 'dzin pa dpe med // mi stag pa 'chi bas 'jigs pa myur du 'ong pa la / las dang bya ba la yen nas / dge sbyor le lo 'jog par dpe med / 'jig rten 'khor ba'i sdug bsngal mthong tsam na / zhen pa rang log du mi 'gro ba / bu tsha'i sdug bsngal la rgyan du mthong ba dpe med / sdzog pa'i sangs rgyas rang la yod pa la / bla ma'i gdams ngag mi nyan par / bud med kyis chos mi 'ong zer ba'i dpe med [fol. ME verso] de ltar ma byed par bud med la gros thob dang / glan chung ma gsung ngo //

dam pas ma jo zhang chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba rang lugs chen po yin no // gnas lugs rang la 'dug pa ltos cig / sgom pa rang shar rten med yin no //  rig pa rten med ltos cig / spyod pa ma 'gags zhen med yin no // chags zhen btsan thab[s] su chod cig / 'bras bu ye dag ye grol yin no / rig pa'i rten phur phyung cig / 

§§  dam pas ma jo zhang chung ma la gdams pa / lta ba rang lugs chen po yin no / gnas lugs rang la 'dug pa ltos cig / sgom pa rang shar rten med yin no / rig pa rten med ltos cig / spyod pa ma 'gags zhen med yin no /  chags zhen btsan thab su chod cig / 'bras bu ye dag ye grol yin no / rig pa'i rten phur phyung cig / 

zhang chung ma 'chi ba la dad pa'i bya ra [byar?] zhog / chi 'khar [~'chi khar] 'gyod pa'i zol sog spongs / dge sbyor la  [6r]  brtson grus kyi lcag gis brobs / nam 'chi cha med 'chi khar mi 'tsher rtsi byed gos / dam tshig la rang sems la spang po tshud / dmyal bar ltung dog med / nyon mongs pa rang dgar ma gtang rdzos thob dbang po tshud / bla  ma'i gdam ngag la the tshom ma za / yid ches mos gus kyi dbang po tshud / de ltar byas na 'gyod med bder bde phyi mar kyid de / grag mo tsho chos dang 'gal ba kha na mang bar khyed par mthong na / zhang chung ma bu med kyi khang dpon gyis dang ste / nyan pa dka' bar 'ong pa 'dra na gsung ngo // 

zhang chung ma 'chi ba la dad pa'i bya ra zhog / 'chi khar 'gyod pa'i zol sog spongs / dge sbyor la brtson 'grus kyi lcag gis brobs / nam 'chi cha med 'chi khar mi 'tsher rtsi byed gos / dam tshig la rang sems la spang po tshud / dmyal bar ltung dog med / nyon mongs pa rang dgar ma gtad rjes thob dbang po tshud / bla ma'i gdam ngag la the tshom ma za / yid ches mos gus kyi dpang po tshud / de ltar byas na 'gyod med bder bde [~'di?] phyi mar [s]kyid de / [fol. HUM recto] grag mo tsho chos dang 'gal ba kha na mang bar khyed par mthong na / zhang chung ma bud med kyi khad dpon gyis dang ste / nyan pa dka' bar 'ong ba 'gra na gsung ngo //  //

bu[d] med bdun la gdams pa cho lu'i skor rdzogs s.ho // dge'o // 

bud med la gdams pa cho lu'i skor // rdzogs sho // phyi rab rjes 'jug la phan par gyur cig / nyang chen po'i phyag yig steng nas / ston seng ges bris / cig zhu /

( • | • | • )


Appendix One: Titles in the Tsakaling Manuscript Set

Tsakaling Manuscript (Tsakka glang snag tshang),

Tsakaling Thorbu 005. I don’t believe this has been made available on the website of the Endangered Languages Archive, at least not yet.

KA   Dam pa'i sku'i zhus lan me long rnam par snang ba.  fols. 1-39.  

Col. [39r.3]: e ma 'dzam gling skyes mchog rgya gar rin po che'i / sku'i zhus lan me long rnam par snang / bdud rtsi lta bu dri med zab don 'di / snying po shes rab skal ldan dbang phyug zhes /dus gsum mtshan 'dzin gangs khrod ras pa yi / phyug dpa'i steng nas rgya'i rnal 'byor pa / chu sbrul lug gi zla ba'i yar ngo la / gnam mchog seng ge'i gzims khang chen por bris / mkha' mnyam tshe cig sangs rgyas thob par shog.

BAG [? 'ig?  Vak!]   Dam pa'i gsung gi zhus lan rnam par dag pa.  fols. 1-17.  

GHUN [Guṇa]  Dam pa'i yon tan gyi zhus lan shing lo rgyas pa.  fols. 1-36.  

Col. [fol. 35v.5]: dris lan thun tshogs kyi dum bu zhes bya ba las / yon tan gyi zhus lan / dpag bsam shing gi 'dab ma nam mkha' la rgyas pa lta bu'i gdams pa / bla ma byang chub sems dpa' kun dgas zhus te / byin brlab kyi gnas mchog dpal gyi ding rir yi ger bkod pa // rdzogs so // lan cig zhu dag /

KARMA Dam pa'i 'phrin las kyi zhus lan / gags sel sgron me.  fols. 1-19.  

Bla ma brgyud pa'i rim pa'o / bla ma brgyud pa'i rim pa'o.  fols. 1-9.

KA  Gnad kyi zhus lan man ngag 'dus pa me long rnam par gsal ba.  1-18.  

KA Zhus lan rnad sel rnad kyi sgron me [Zhus lan gnad sel gnad kyi sgron me].  fols. 1-24.   [photo no. 93]

OM  Dam pas bu med bdun la gdam pa'i chol lu'i skor [Dam pas bud med bdun la gdams pa'i cho lu'i skor]. fols. 1-6 (in place of fol. nos. we get the six syllable mantra).  

Col. [6r.2]: bud med la gdams pa cho lu'i skor / rdzogs so // phyi rabs rjes 'jug la phan par gyur cig / nyang chen po'i phyag yig steng nas / ston seng ges bris / cig zhu.  NOTE: Cho lu'i skor is the name of the original collection of Kunga.

Rje dam pa'i skye bdun rnam thar ma la ngo mtshar gtam bdun dang bcas pa.  fols. ka-nga [using letters in place of numbers].  

—  Brul tsho drug pa'i lo rgyus.  fols. 1-8.  [at photo no. 129!]

Gcod brul tsho drug pa.  fos. 9-32.  

Col. [fol. 32.6]: zhes pa gcod kyi gdams pa / rje dam pa rgya gar gyis / yar lungs kyi smag ra ser po can la gnang pa'o // iti / dang po gdams pa 'di la dpe med / phyis [32v] mdzad par gda'o //  // [an interesting lineage follows, in smaller letters]

'Dzam gling skyes mchog rgya gar rin po che'i thugs kyi zhal chems pad ma rtseg pa'o.  fols. 1-9.  

Zhi byed snga phyi bar gsum gyi dkar chag.  fols. 1-10  [photo no. 155]

Dam pa la pha rol tu phyin pa bcu'i go nas bstod pa.  fols. 1-3.

Dam pa'i gsung ['Dzam gling mi'i skyes mchog gsung yin no].  fols. 1-3.

Dam pa'i zhal thems bcu gnyis.  fols. 1-6. Is this a version of the Zhal chems?

Brul tsho drug pa'i zhal gdams.  fols. 33-37.  

Dam pa'i gsung rtsad po la gsungs pa.  fols. 1-4 (words in place of numbers).  Text granted by Rten ne (1127-1221) to Myang Ral pa can at Smra'o cog.  



Appendix Two: Titles in the Drametsé Manuscript Set

EAP105/1: Drametse Monastery Collection >

EAP105/1/3: gSung thor bu - Miscellaneous titles >

EAP105/1/3/72: dam pa'i zhus len me long rnam par snang ba

http://eap.bl.uk/database/overview_item.a4d?catId=189691;r=12237

KA - Dam pa'i sku'i zhus lan me long rnam par snang ba.  fols. 1-34 (photos 1-23).  

KHA - Bla ma brgyud pa'i rim pa.  fols. 1-9.  

Cololophon at fol. 9r.1:  i ti / nad pa la byin brlabs byed na dam po gtor ma gtang / de nas skyabs 'gro sems skyed bya / de nas gsol ba btab / de nas nad pa mi dmigs / nad mi migs 'dre mi migs / byin brlabs mi dmigs par stong pa nyid do // gang na ba'i sar shing 'am rdo'am gang yang rung ba cig gis cab / cab bya'o / des bzhi bar 'gyuro // i ti /

GA - Brul tsho drug pa'i lo rgyus.  fols. 1-8.

NGA - Gnad kyi zhus lan man ngag 'dus pa me long rnam par gsal ba.  fols. 1-18.  

Colophon fol. 18v.5: gnad kyi zhus lan man ngag 'dus pa me long rnam par gsal ba zhes bya ba / sdzogs s.ho //  //

CA - Zhi byed snga phyi bar gsum gyi dkar chag.  fols. 1-8 (but there are 2 marked fol. 2).  

CHA - Zhus lan rnad sel rnad kyi sgron me.  fols. 1-16.  

Colophon fol. 16r.1: rje btsun dam pa rgya gar gyi zhal nas legs par gsungs pa / rnad sel rnad kyi sgron me ces bya ba / bka' rgya dang bcas pa'i zab don rdzogs so / /

JA - Dam pa'i gsung gi zhus lan rnam par dag pa.  fols. 1-18.  

Cololophon fol. 16v.3: gtsung gi zhus lan rnam par dag pa zhes bya ba khyad nas 'phags pa rdzogs so //

NYA - Dam pa'i 'phrin las kyi zhus lan / gags sel sgron me.  fols. 1-18.  

Colophon fol. 18v.2: gags sel 'phrin las kyi zhus pa lan dang bcas pa rdzogsho / / mangga lam //

TA - Dam pa la pha rol tu phyin pa bcu'i [s]go nas bstod pa.  fols. 1-4.

THA - Dam pa'i gsung bzhugs s.ho / 'dzam gling mi'i skyes mchog gsung yin no.  fols. 1-3.  

Colophon: rje dam pa rgya gar gyis bon po khra tshang 'brug la gnang pa'o // a ti /   A yantra of letters is illus. on a following folio.

DA - Dam pa'i zhal thems bcu gnyis.  [Zhal chems?]  fols. 1-5.  

Colophon: rje btsun dam pa rin po che smon lam bdag gi pha mas gtso byas khams gsum 'gro ba rigs drug sems can thams cad kyi ji ltar gsung ba bzhin grub par gyur cig / bdag sogs dam pa'i drung du skye bar shog /

NA - Gcod brul tsho drug pa.  fols. 1-23.  Precepts given by Dam pa Rgya gar to Smag ra Ser po can [Sma ra Ser po] of Yar lungs.

PA - 'Dzam gling skyes mchog rgya gar rin po che'i thugs kyi zhal chems padma brtsegs pa.  fols. 1-8.  This is the well-known Ding ri brgya rtsa.

PHA - Dam pa'i yon tan gyi zhus lan shing lo rgyas pa.  fols. 1-36 (the order of fols. 12 & 13 is switched).  As you may see in the listing that follows, some of these answers were to questions asked of Padampa by women.

10r.1 rgya'i sgom ma [~rgya sgom ma]. 10r.5 ston ma dar rgyan.  11v.1 'bro lo tsha [~'bro lo tshâ ba].  11v.3 bla ma ram dge ba'i seng ge. 11v.5 rje khri pa. 15v.5 te tshems chung pa.  16r.3 dam pa phyar chung.  16r.6 ston ma byang chub dge.  17v.2 bla ma grub chung pa.  18v.1 ston pa chos kyis seng ge [~chos kyi seng ge].   22r.3 yon bdag mo rgyan ne.  24v.5 ma jo snang gsal.  26r.1 bla ma zhang gsor 'od [~gser 'od?].  

Colophon fol. 36r.5: dris lan thun tshogs kyi dum bu zhes bya ba las / yon tan gyi zhus lan dpag bsam shing gi 'dab ma mkha' la rgyas pa lta bu'i gdams pa / bla ma byang chub sems dpa' kun dgas zhus te  byin brlabs kyi gnas mchog [36v] dpal gyi ding rir yi ger bkod pa rdzogs so / /

BA - Dam pa'i gsung rtsad po la gsungs pa gcig.  fols. 1-4.  Includes a story about how the king of Purang by the name of Brtsad po Khri btsan battled the King of Bri sha (Bru sha!). They fired a catapult at the palace when a nâga tree got broken. The king came to Padampa complaining of being troubled by spirits giving him leprosy (read nad mdze in place of nas 'dze).  

[4v] Dam pa Phyar chung put this text into writing. This ends the Gdams pa Cho lu'i skor. The teacher Grub thob Dngos grub granted these teachings to Myang Ral pa can. It was scribed at Smra'o cog po. It’s especially remarkable for having the giving [to the spirits] as food practice (gcod kyi gzan skyur), a practice not known to the ZC.

MA - Dam pas bu med bdun la gdams pa'i chol lus skor [Bud med bdun la gdams pa'i cho lu'i skor].  fols. 1-6.  


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